Bowen: After Midterm Defeat, Trump's Limits at Home May Not Hold Abroad

If he can no longer shake America, he can shake the world.
Bowen's closing judgment on how a defeated Trump might use his remaining powers abroad.
Mark

Bowen's core claim is that losing Congress constrains Trump at home but not abroad. Why does that distinction matter?

Mimi

Because the commander-in-chief's powers over the military stay broad. Congress being lost limits his ability to dictate and disrupt domestically, but the piece says abroad it is likely to be different.

Luke

Worth noting that's analysis, not a report of a decision. Bowen is reading Trump's character, his contempt for losers, and projecting. Nothing here says a plan exists to compensate for the defeat.

Mark

There's concrete material though. A limited US bombing raid on an Iranian island the night before the vote.

Mimi

Yes, and Senator Chris Murphy called the military options he was briefed on "insane" and warned of a "devastating escalation". He didn't give details.

Luke

Right, and the talk of bombing civilian infrastructure is described as speculation. The war crime point is Bowen's assessment of what it would likely be, not something confirmed as planned.

Mark

Iran seems to be reading the American mood too.

Mimi

Ghalibaf's post claims Americans voted against war over the cost of living. Tehran is pleased that the Hormuz blockade pushed up prices for petrol, diesel and fertiliser.

Luke

That's Ghalibaf's interpretation of the vote. The piece doesn't show voters rejected war specifically.

Mark

And Netanyahu?

Mimi

Reports say he is pressing Trump to resume the war, and a sustained conflict could give him a path to a unity government.

Luke

Note the chain: reports, then an "if" about war, then another "if" about Israelis under fire. It's a scenario, and the outcome is unknown.

  • Congress has slipped from Trump's grip, and the defeat weighs on a president who cannot bear to be seen as a loser.
  • Troop movements and belligerent talk have Washington circling back toward war with Iran, with fears of strikes on civilian infrastructure.
  • Iran's leaders are watching Hormuz-driven fuel and fertilizer prices squeeze American voters, and they are signaling that any return to war will be costly.
  • Netanyahu is pressing Trump to resume the fight while he struggles to build a government, and the Ukraine front is tightening as missiles get through and Trump eyes sanctions relief and pressure on Zelensky.

On the eve of the midterms, a limited American strike on an Iranian island in the Gulf hung over a vote that would soon hand both houses of Congress to Trump's opponents. The BBC's Jeremy Bowen reads these two facts as one frame: a leader whose hand is weakened at home has not lost the tools of war or diplomacy abroad, and history has often shown that a president cornered in domestic politics reaches outward. Whether that reach becomes a renewed war with Iran, a shift in Russia sanctions, or a harder push on Ukraine's leadership is the question now turning in the background of American and world affairs.

On the eve of the midterm elections, the United States carried out a limited bombing raid on an Iranian island in the Gulf. A few days later, Trump woke to a defeat in which American voters handed both houses of Congress to his opponents. The BBC's international editor, Jeremy Bowen, argues the two facts belong in the same frame: a president boxed in at home may look for room to move abroad.

Losing both chambers limits Trump's power to dictate and disrupt at home, but he remains commander-in-chief with broad authority to use force, and his temperament suggests he will not quietly fade. He still insists, against the evidence, that he lost only because he was not on the ballot.

Iran is the most immediate danger. Troop deployments and his belligerent statements before the vote fuelled talk of a return to war, and a senator who attended a classified briefing on the options warned of a devastating escalation. Bowen notes that strikes on civilian infrastructure would likely be a war crime and could bring Iranian retaliation against Gulf allies, the UAE first among them. Tehran, meanwhile, is pleased that its blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has become an American domestic issue, with fuel and fertiliser prices hurting Republicans.

Netanyahu, acting prime minister and struggling to form a government, is reportedly urging Trump to resume the war, and a sustained conflict could give him the unity government he wants.

In Ukraine, Trump eased sanctions on Moscow to lower American fuel costs, and interceptors Kyiv needs have not arrived as more Russian missiles get through. Bowen suggests a bruised Trump might press Zelensky harder toward territorial concessions. Bowen warns against confident prediction, but expects the president to keep building monuments to himself and not to wait out his term quietly. The signs to watch are renewed hostilities with Iran, changes to Russia sanctions, and fresh pressure on Zelensky.

On the eve of the midterm elections, the United States carried out a limited bombing raid on an Iranian island in the Gulf. A few days later, Donald Trump woke up to a defeat in which American voters had taken both houses of Congress from his party. The BBC's international editor, Jeremy Bowen, argues that the two facts belong in the same frame: a president boxed in at home may look for room to move abroad.

Bowen's starting point is the scale of the loss. Trump deals in superlatives, he writes, so there is a kind of political karma in how big the majority against him was. Losing the House and Senate limits his capacity to dictate, manoeuvre and disrupt inside the country. But Bowen stresses that the president remains commander-in-chief, with broad powers to use American military force, and that his habits suggest he will not quietly fade. Trump despises those he considers losers and is determined never to be seen as one. He continues to insist, against the evidence, that the election was lost only because he was not on the ballot.

Iran is the most immediate risk. In the weeks before the vote, troop deployments and Trump's own often belligerent statements fuelled talk that the US was preparing to return to war. Senator Chris Murphy, a Democrat, attended a classified briefing on military options for renewed conflict before he was hospitalised with a stroke. He gave no details, but called the plans "insane" and warned they would bring a "devastating escalation". There has been speculation that the plans include bombing civilian infrastructure. Bowen notes that this would be likely to amount to a war crime and could draw devastating Iranian strikes on equivalent targets in America's Gulf allies, with the United Arab Emirates potentially first on the list.

Tehran, Bowen writes, follows American politics closely. It has not hidden its satisfaction that its blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has become a domestic issue in the US. The war and attacks on shipping have pushed up prices for petrol, diesel and agricultural fertiliser, hurting Trump and the Republicans. Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the speaker of Iran's parliament, posted that Americans had said no to war over conscience or the cost of living, and that if Washington betrayed that will to serve international paymasters and blackmailers, Iran's no would come with a nightmare.

Pressure is also coming from Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu, now acting prime minister after last week's election and working hard to assemble a new government, has repeated that he wants to bring down the Islamic regime in Tehran. Reports in Israel and the US say he is urging Trump to resume the war. Bowen observes that Netanyahu lacks the seats to form a government with his outgoing coalition, but a major, sustained war with Israelis under direct fire could open the way to a unity government he would use his political skill to dominate.

The second theatre is Ukraine, where the war with Russia has now lasted longer than the First World War. Before the elections Trump dropped sanctions on Moscow so the US could buy Russian diesel, and Bowen suggests he might extend and deepen that relief in hope of easing costs for American consumers. Russian ballistic missiles are getting through in greater numbers because Ukraine's requests for more US-made interceptors, paid for by European allies, have not been met as Kyiv needs. Bowen says Trump has shown little visible concern for civilians under that fire.

The Kremlin spokesman said Russia hoped the election results would not affect what he called Trump's peace-making efforts. Trump has consistently pushed Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky toward territorial concessions that would amount to capitulation, and Zelensky has repeatedly refused. Bowen says a bruised Trump might redouble that pressure, in order to add Ukraine to his improbable list of wars solved.

Bowen is careful about the limits of prediction, saying forecasts of Trump's next moves risk being wrong. He expects the president to keep building monuments to himself in Washington, and is certain he will not sit in a rocking chair waiting out his term. The thing to watch is whether a president who has lost the power to shake America turns to shaking the world: renewed hostilities with Iran, changes in Russia sanctions, and fresh pressure on Zelensky are the places it would show first.

Senator Chris Murphy condemned the military options for renewed war with Iran as "insane" and warned of a "devastating escalation".
— Sen. Chris Murphy, Democrat
If the US betrays the public will, Iran's NO "comes with a Nightmare".
— Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, speaker of Iran's parliament
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