Albania's Student Protests Grow as PM Rama Blames 'Antifa' and Foreign Plots

Police have pushed back protesters and journalists and used water cannons during near-daily clashes, with stones thrown and fires set during the October 13 protests.
Smashed windows have yet to be replaced; the walls are still black with soot
Damage from the October 13 clashes remained visible outside Tirana's Education Ministry this week.
Mark

Rama says antifa is behind this. Is there anything to it?

Mimi

Researchers say no evidence has been shown. Redion Qirjazi told DW nothing verifiable points to an organized antifa structure in Albania.

Luke

Worth noting that's one researcher's assessment of an absence. It's not proof of a negative, but the burden sits with the person making the accusation, and Rama hasn't produced evidence in this reporting.

Mark

And before antifa, there were other explanations?

Mimi

Yes. Rama has pointed to Greece, Russia and Iran over the months. The target keeps changing.

Mark

How do the students organize without leaders?

Mimi

Phones. Semanaj describes Instagram, WhatsApp cohort groups, Telegram channels and Signal. Nobody commands it, which makes it hard for the government to read.

Luke

That's Semanaj's description, though. We have one protester, Sara, saying they use text messages, and she's anonymous.

Mark

Why would a government frame it as extremism?

Mimi

Qirjazi says it can delegitimize protesters and justify a tougher crackdown. Semanaj says the actual grievances then drop out of the news.

Luke

That's analysis of motive, not established fact. Neither can know what Rama intends.

Mark

And the violence?

Mimi

Stones, fires on October 13, water cannons this week. Sara says she walks away from violence.

  • Near-daily clashes between students and police have turned university streets into a contest of water cannons, thrown stones and smoke.
  • Protesters coordinate through text messages and encrypted channels with no central leader, making the movement hard for authorities to grasp or contain.
  • Prime Minister Edi Rama brands the uprising a hybrid war and blames antifa, Greece, Russia and Iran, claims that no verifiable evidence has yet supported.
  • Demonstrators who want Rama to resign face police pushback, and journalists are pressed back alongside them as the crackdown hardens.
  • Analysts warn that calling dissent extremism could justify harsher measures while corruption, tuition and jobs remain unaddressed, leaving the crisis with no clear exit.

In Tirana, students and faculty gathered again outside the Education Ministry, past windows still unrepaired from the October 13 clashes and walls still darkened by the fires of that day. What began nearly five months ago as a peaceful outcry over a luxury hotel planned inside a nature reserve has grown into a wider reckoning with corruption, failing universities and a future that many young Albanians no longer see at home. The government answers with the language of hybrid war and foreign plots, while analysts ask whether that framing is a way of turning attention away from the grievances that set the crowd in motion.

On a Tuesday, students and faculty from the University of Tirana stood outside the Education Ministry. The damage from October 13 was still visible: smashed windows that had not been replaced and walls blackened by fires. The gathering came after nearly five months of protest, which had started quietly when plans for a luxury hotel complex in a nature reserve were revealed. The project was linked to Jared Kushner and his associates. Since then, the anger had spread far beyond that single project. Students now clash with police almost every day, and the worst fighting so far came the week before.

The protesters are angry about corruption, poorly run universities and the rising cost of education. They want Prime Minister Edi Rama, who has held office since 2013, to step down. A young woman who called herself Sara spoke to DW with her face partly covered, afraid of what might follow. Protesters organize by text message, she said, because it is the only way that works. When some demonstrators began throwing stones, she left the interview, and police pushed back the crowd, along with journalists, and turned water cannons on them.

Cybersecurity advocate Besmir Semanaj explains that the movement lives on phones. Young Albanians now coordinate through Instagram, WhatsApp groups for classes and dormitories, Telegram channels and TikTok, with the most security-conscious using Signal. Telegram, in particular, can reach tens of thousands in seconds. Without leaders or a central command, the movement is hard for the government to read or control.

Rama has called the uprising a hybrid war, suggesting the young people are radicalized and manipulated by a dark ideology. He has named a shifting list of culprits, from Greece, Russia and Iran to, most recently, antifa. Security researcher Redion Qirjazi says no verifiable evidence has shown an organized antifa network in Albania, and that antifa is a loose umbrella term rather than a unified group. Sara rejects the terrorist label and says she walks away whenever violence starts.

Arlind Qori, chairman of the Together Movement, sees the motive as plain discontent: poverty, families broken by emigration, a weakened school system and few prospects after graduation. The demand is Rama's resignation, not a socialist revolution, he argues, and the government's answer has been police force and disdain. Qirjazi suggests the foreign-plot narrative may be a deliberate strategy, shifting focus toward national security, weakening public sympathy and making a harder crackdown easier to justify. Semanaj sees the same pattern. The question now is whether the government will address the grievances or keep its attention on antifa.

On Tuesday, students and faculty from the University of Tirana gathered outside the Education Ministry in the Albanian capital. The damage from the October 13 protests was still there to see: smashed windows that have not been replaced, and walls blackened by fires set that day.

The demonstration came after nearly five months of anti-government protest in Albania. It began peacefully, set off by the disclosure of plans for a luxury hotel complex inside a nature reserve. Jared Kushner, son-in-law of US President Donald Trump, and his associates intended to build it. The movement has since widened. College and high school students now clash with police almost daily, and the fiercest confrontations so far came last week.

The protesters denounce corruption, mismanaged universities and the rising cost of education. They want Prime Minister Edi Rama, in office since 2013, to resign.

At the ministry on Tuesday, a woman who asked to be called Sara spoke to DW with a black hooded jacket on and a scarf over her face. She feared repercussions for talking to the press. Protesters, she said, communicate by text message, "the only way." She ended the interview early when some demonstrators began throwing stones at the ministry. Police pushed protesters and journalists back and used water cannons to disperse the crowd.

Besmir Semanaj, a prominent Albanian cybersecurity advocate, says the movement lives on phones. Young Albanians, he told DW, no longer organize through parties, associations or public appeals. They use Instagram, WhatsApp groups for year cohorts, departments and dormitories, Telegram channels for announcements, and TikTok for video. Those most concerned about security use Signal. Telegram has been especially useful, he said, because a channel can reach tens of thousands of people within seconds and is harder to control from outside. The structure is horizontal, with no individual leaders and no central command, which Semanaj says is why the government struggles to understand and control it.

Rama has called the uprising a "hybrid war." He has said the protesters think they can improve Albania through TikTok without being able to string together more than seven coherent words. Not all are terrorists, he said, but he believes they are hostages to a new ideology whose only goal is to destroy and raze everything. Over the five months he has named a series of supposed masterminds, alleging that the governments of Greece, Russia and Iran are stirring dissent. His latest target is "antifa." He describes the young people as radicalized and indoctrinated, acting under a "dark force" that has emerged in Europe and the United States and that the US president has designated a terrorist organization.

Security researcher Redion Qirjazi, who focuses on violence prevention and conflict resolution, told DW the claim is unlikely to prove true. He said it is a serious accusation requiring equally compelling evidence, and that no verifiable evidence has been presented of an organized antifa structure in Albania, let alone one coordinating the protests. He added that antifa is not a unified international organization with central leadership, but an umbrella term for various anti-fascist movements. Sara rejected the "terrorist" label. Some groups are willing to use violence, she said, but she has nothing to do with them and walks away when she sees it.

Arlind Qori, chairman of the Together Movement, a social-democratic opposition party holding one seat in parliament, says the motive is dissatisfaction, not ideology. He cited poverty, parents who emigrated because they could not support their families, a declining education system and a lack of prospects after graduation. The central demand is Rama's resignation, he said, "not a socialist revolution," and Rama answers it with police violence and arrogance.

Qirjazi suggests the foreign-interference claims may be strategy. Tying demonstrators to extremism and outside influence can shift attention from the actual causes toward national security, he said, delegitimizing protesters, eroding public support and justifying a tougher crackdown. Semanaj calls it a familiar pattern: protests portrayed as violence, young people cast as manipulated, and concerns about universities, tuition, corruption and prospects vanishing from the news agenda. Whether the government addresses those grievances, or keeps the focus on antifa, is what to watch.

To date, no verifiable evidence has been presented to prove the existence of an organized Antifa structure in Albania.
— Redion Qirjazi, security affairs researcher
People aren't demanding anything radical; they merely want a corrupt head of government to resign.
— Arlind Qori, chairman of the Together Movement
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