Six Cuban and Afghan nationals with no criminal histories landed in Guyana on Saturday, deported not to their homelands but to a country they did not choose, under a growing American policy of third-country removal. The Trump administration, having returned to office in 2025, has now negotiated more than thirty such arrangements with nations willing to receive deportees that origin countries refuse to take back. This practice — quiet in its mechanics, vast in its consequences — reflects a deepening shift in how the United States defines the boundaries of belonging and the reach of its enforcem
Trump administration expands third-country deportations as six arrive in Guyana
sent to a country they did not choose, where they may have no connections
Why does it matter that these six people had no criminal records? Isn't the administration deporting people it considers a problem either way?
It matters because it shows the net has widened. Trump campaigned on deporting criminals. But the data shows most people in immigration detention aren't criminals. These six are evidence that the policy has moved beyond that original promise.
But we should be careful here. Persaud said these six had no criminal backgrounds. That's one source. We don't know their full immigration histories—visa violations, entry without inspection, other civil infractions. "No criminal record" doesn't mean "no immigration violation."
So what's the actual mechanism? Why is Guyana accepting people it has no connection to?
Money, mostly. The administration has paid countries to take deportees. It's a transactional arrangement. Guyana negotiated for months and got a deal—one year, specific numbers, presumably compensation.
Amnesty says 30 countries have deals. But we don't know the terms of most of them. Some involve payments, yes, but how much? To whom? Are there other incentives? The reporting is thin on the actual mechanics.
What happens to these six now?
They wait in Guyana while their immigration cases are processed. They could be sent back to Cuba or Afghanistan, or they could be resettled elsewhere. But they're stuck in a country they didn't choose, possibly without language skills or any support network.
The IOM program provides some assistance, but the source doesn't say what that actually means on the ground. Food? Housing? Legal representation? We know the framework exists, but not what it delivers.
Is this legal?
Legally, yes—countries can make agreements to receive deportees. But human rights groups argue it's a form of punishment, designed to make people give up their claims. It's legal but ethically contested.
And we should note: the source doesn't include any statement from the Trump administration defending the practice beyond the Cuba angle. We're getting the criticism and the facts, but not the administration's full argument.
O Pulso
- Six people with no criminal records were sent to Guyana — a country foreign to them — as the Trump administration's third-country deportation network quietly expanded to South America.
- The policy now spans more than thirty nations, some paid millions of dollars to accept deportees, revealing an enforcement machine that has outgrown its original justification of targeting criminals.
- Over 70% of immigrants currently held in U.S. detention have no criminal conviction, exposing the gap between the administration's rhetoric and the reality of who is being swept up.
- Rights organizations warn that deportees are being dispatched to countries marked by poverty, instability, and conflict, with little more than UN resettlement support to anchor them.
- The Guyana agreement — a one-year arrangement, not permanent resettlement — leaves the six arrivals in legal and geographic limbo, their futures contingent on processes unfolding far from anywhere they call home.
Six Cuban and Afghan nationals with no criminal histories landed in Guyana on Saturday, deported not to their homelands but to a country they did not choose, under a growing American policy of third-country removal. The Trump administration, having returned to office in 2025, has now negotiated more than thirty such arrangements with nations willing to receive deportees that origin countries refuse to take back. This practice — quiet in its mechanics, vast in its consequences — reflects a deepening shift in how the United States defines the boundaries of belonging and the reach of its enforcement power. What began as a campaign promise about criminal deportations has become something far wider, touching tens of thousands whose only status is that they are unwanted somewhere.
Six Cuban and Afghan nationals with no criminal histories arrived in Guyana on Saturday, deported from the United States under a newly negotiated agreement between Washington and the South American nation. Guyana's Foreign Secretary Robert Persaud confirmed the arrivals, noting that the deal — the product of months of diplomacy — is structured as a one-year arrangement. Those deported will remain in Guyana while their immigration cases proceed, with the possibility of eventual return to their home countries or placement elsewhere.
The practice is known as third-country removal: sending foreign nationals not to their countries of origin, but to willing third nations. Under the current Trump administration, more than thirty countries have entered such agreements, fifteen of them in the Americas. Some arrangements have involved payments in the millions of dollars, justified in part by the refusal of countries like Cuba to accept deportees from the United States.
But the scope of these deportations extends well beyond those with criminal records. Research from Syracuse University found that 70.6 percent of immigrants currently held in U.S. detention have no criminal conviction — a figure that mirrors the profile of the six who arrived in Guyana. The administration has also stripped tens of thousands of migrants of legal protections by canceling programs like Temporary Protected Status and humanitarian parole, and reportedly plans to revoke visas for roughly 200,000 people with pending asylum claims.
Human rights organizations have condemned the practice as punitive, designed to pressure migrants into abandoning their immigration claims. Those sent to Guyana will receive support through the UN's Assisted Voluntary Return Programme, but they arrive in a country they did not choose, where they may have no connections, no language, and no clear path forward. Their arrival signals not a conclusion, but the continued expansion of an enforcement strategy that has come to treat third countries as instruments of a policy its architects describe as urgent and without easy resolution.
Six people—Cuban and Afghan nationals with no criminal histories—stepped off a plane in Guyana on Saturday, having been deported from the United States under an immigration enforcement campaign that is reshaping how America handles deportations. They arrived as part of a newly negotiated agreement between Washington and the South American nation, one of more than thirty such deals the Trump administration has struck since returning to office in 2025.
Guyana's Foreign Secretary Robert Persaud confirmed the arrivals and noted that none of the six carried criminal records. The agreement itself was the product of months of negotiation between the two governments. Persaud told the Associated Press that the United States had not yet requested additional deportations to Guyana, though the arrangement remains active. The deal is structured as a one-year agreement and does not constitute permanent resettlement—those deported will remain in Guyana while their immigration cases proceed, with the possibility of returning to their home countries or seeking placement elsewhere.
The practice at the center of this deportation is known as third-country removal: sending foreign nationals to nations other than their country of origin. It is a mechanism that has grown substantially under Trump's current administration. According to Amnesty International, more than thirty countries have now entered into such agreements, with fifteen of them located in the Americas. Some of these deals have involved payments in the millions of dollars. The administration has justified the approach by pointing to countries like Cuba that refuse to accept deportees from the United States, creating a practical obstacle to traditional deportation.
Yet the scale and scope of these arrangements reveal something broader about the current immigration enforcement strategy. The Trump administration has not limited third-country deportations to people with criminal convictions. Research from the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University found that 70.6 percent of foreign nationals currently held in U.S. immigration detention have no criminal conviction. The six who arrived in Guyana fit this pattern. They represent a widening net that extends far beyond the "largest deportation programme of criminals" that Trump promised during his 2024 campaign.
The administration's immigration enforcement has taken multiple forms. Beyond third-country deportations, it has stripped tens of thousands of migrants of their legal status by canceling programs like Temporary Protected Status and humanitarian parole. Reports indicate the administration plans to revoke visas for roughly 200,000 people with pending asylum claims. Each action removes legal protections and exposes foreign nationals to deportation, often to countries experiencing active conflict or severe instability.
Human rights organizations have condemned third-country deportations as punitive measures designed to pressure migrants into abandoning their immigration claims. The practice raises acute concerns about the conditions deportees face in their destination countries. Many nations receiving deportees struggle with poverty, political instability, armed conflict, and documented human rights abuses. Those sent to Guyana will receive support through the United Nations International Organisation for Migration's Assisted Voluntary Return Programme, but the fundamental reality remains: they are being sent to a country they did not choose, where they may have no connections, no language skills, and no clear path forward.
The six who arrived on Saturday are among thousands caught in an enforcement apparatus that has accelerated dramatically since Trump took office. Their arrival in Guyana signals not an endpoint but a continuation—and likely an expansion—of a deportation strategy that treats third countries as solutions to immigration challenges that the administration views as urgent and intractable.
Citações Notáveis
The US has not made any further requests for non-citizen deportations to be sent to Guyana at this time— Robert Persaud, Guyana's Foreign Secretary, to the Associated Press
Third-country deportations involve sending foreign nationals to places outside of their country of origin. Deportees often have no familiarity with the country they are sent to and sometimes do not even speak the language.— Reporting summary of the practice