Within days of an electoral upheaval that ended fourteen years of Aleksandar Vucic's dominance, Serbian prosecutors began moving with unusual speed against the figures and networks of the old order, from vote-buying rings and senior officials to the owner of a collapsed bank. Such moments are old in the human story: a regime loses its grip, and a society must decide whether justice will follow power or power will be reshuffled under new names. What makes Serbia's case telling is that the new majority holds no levers of state yet, so the arrests seem to rest on the law finally being allowed to
Serbia's Postelection Reckoning: Arrests Mount as Prosecutors Move on Long-Stalled Cases
Cases once left in drawers are suddenly moving
Why does a recalled flight to Moscow belong in a story about prosecutions?
Because it happened nine days after the election, while the old order was visibly loosening. Three men tied to Vucic's government, all known for Russia links, were turned back mid-flight.
Careful, though. The reason for the recall comes only from unofficial media reports: that Vulin boarded without security screening. It isn't confirmed.
And what about Moscow itself? Vulin said gas talks.
Yes, but Bajatovic said he didn't know why the other two were going and denied they'd attend gas meetings. The accounts don't match.
Right, and the source doesn't resolve that. We just have two conflicting statements.
The Alta Bank case is the biggest number here.
About €383 million allegedly removed from the vault, and Macura was arrested days after the license was revoked. He's publicly linked to the SNS.
Note the word suspected. It's an allegation, not a finding.
Is the speed good news?
Savovic is wary. She thinks prosecutors are courting the new authorities, and she fears vendettas. Arsic says the cases were previously shelved.
Those are two opinions about motive. Nobody in the reporting shows why the cases moved now.
Which is why both say convictions will be the test.
O Pulso
- A flight carrying three senior Vucic-era figures was ordered back to Belgrade mid-journey, sparking immediate questions about its purpose and secrecy.
- Arrests have landed in quick succession, from a €383 million bank vault removal to vote-buying detentions in Novi Sad and Mali Zvornik.
- Prosecutors are racing to secure evidence, with a binding order barring the destruction of state records as reports of shredding spread.
- Critics fear the sprint will sacrifice indictment quality, and that the biggest players may escape with lighter charges or none at all.
- The outcome now hinges on final convictions and permanent asset confiscation, not on how many headlines the arrests generate.
Within days of an electoral upheaval that ended fourteen years of Aleksandar Vucic's dominance, Serbian prosecutors began moving with unusual speed against the figures and networks of the old order, from vote-buying rings and senior officials to the owner of a collapsed bank. Such moments are old in the human story: a regime loses its grip, and a society must decide whether justice will follow power or power will be reshuffled under new names. What makes Serbia's case telling is that the new majority holds no levers of state yet, so the arrests seem to rest on the law finally being allowed to move. Whether that movement becomes durable accountability, rather than a reckoning hurried by political timing, will depend on what survives the courts.
Air Serbia flight JU134 was already over Lithuania on November 3 when its crew received orders to turn back to Belgrade. Aboard were Aleksandar Vulin, a former defense and interior minister who once led the intelligence agency; Dusan Bajatovic, long the head of the state gas company Srbijagas; and Nenad Popovic, a minister without portfolio. All three are tied to close relations with Russia and to controversies over corruption and abuse of office. Vulin has been under US sanctions since 2023. Reports pointed to a security lapse, while Vulin said he was heading to Moscow to discuss extending a gas deal.
The recall would have been a curiosity if it had not come nine days after the October 25 election, in which the student-backed list crushed the Serbian Progressive Party and ended Vucic's fourteen years in power. The new majority does not yet control the state, yet arrests and reopened cases have arrived at striking speed. Four people were detained in Novi Sad over vote-buying, and six in Mali Zvornik for helping Bosnian citizens register residence so they could vote.
The most striking case is that of Davor Macura, owner of Alta Bank, who is suspected of removing roughly €383 million from the vault after the central bank revoked the bank's license. His bank had close business ties to the state and many Russian clients. Senior police, the head of the hydrometeorological institute and public company managers have also been arrested over abuse of office and rigged procurement.
Concern about evidence runs alongside the arrests. After the vote, footage and reports suggested official records were being destroyed. On October 29, the Prosecutor General ordered all chief prosecutors to prevent this, and the student list asked public workers to report any destruction.
Prosecutor Bojana Savovic views the sudden activity with skepticism, suspecting the service is trying to win favor with the new authorities. She hopes speed will not weaken indictments or turn into personal vendettas. Incoming MP Tanja Arsic argues the law always allowed these actions and that cases were simply left in drawers.
The question of who will be reached remains open. Vucic insists he is untouched by financial wrongdoing because he signs nothing. Yet real accountability means identifying who made the decisions and held power over the deals. Savovic and Arsic both warn that rushed cases could collapse into acquittals or thin charges. For them, the true test lies in final verdicts and lasting confiscation of illicit assets, and in whether the judiciary, police and security services can be changed at their core.
Air Serbia flight JU134 was already deep in Lithuanian airspace on November 3, on its way from Belgrade to Moscow, when the crew was told to turn around and fly back to the Serbian capital. Aboard were three senior figures from the era of former President Aleksandar Vucic: Aleksandar Vulin, a former defense and interior minister and ex-head of the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA); Dusan Bajatovic, the long-serving director of the state-owned gas company Srbijagas; and Nenad Popovic, a minister without portfolio.
All three are known in Serbia for close ties to Russia and for controversies that include reports of corruption and abuse of public office. Since 2023, Vulin has been under US sanctions, which Washington justified by citing corrupt and destabilizing activities that undermine the rule of law in the Western Balkans. According to unofficial reports in several outlets, the plane was recalled over a security breach: Vulin allegedly boarded without the mandatory screening. Vulin said he was going to Moscow to discuss extending a gas agreement with Russia. Bajatovic said he did not know why Vulin and Popovic were travelling and denied that the two would attend the scheduled gas-supply meetings.
The episode might have stayed a curiosity had it not come nine days after the October 25 parliamentary election, in which the student-backed list beat the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) by a landslide and ended 14 years of dominance by Vucic and the SNS. The new majority has not yet taken control of any levers of power. Even so, arrests, new criminal proceedings and the reopening of unresolved cases have followed at remarkable speed, and some of them touch the foundations of the system built under the SNS.
Prosecutors have opened a series of investigations into suspected electoral manipulation, corruption and abuse of office. Four people were arrested in Novi Sad on suspicion of vote-buying. Six were detained in Mali Zvornik on suspicion of helping citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina register residence in Serbia so they could vote.
One of the most prominent cases is that of Davor Macura, owner of Alta Bank, suspected of illegally entering the bank's vault and removing the equivalent of about €383 million ($430 million). He was arrested days after the National Bank of Serbia revoked the bank's license and began bankruptcy proceedings. Macura has been publicly associated with the SNS, and his bank did significant business with the state and had many Russian clients. Senior police officials, the head of the Republic Hydrometeorological Institute and several managers of public companies have also been arrested over suspected abuses of office and rigged procurement.
There are also worries about evidence. After the vote, reports and video footage suggested that official documents may have been removed or destroyed in state institutions and public companies. On October 29, Prosecutor General Zagorka Dolovac issued a binding instruction to all chief public prosecutors to prevent the destruction of official and other records. The Students' List urged employees of state bodies and the media to report any destruction, which it described as abuse by the outgoing authorities. Prosecutor Bojana Savovic notes that even an attempt to destroy official records is punishable.
Savovic reads the sudden activity skeptically. She told DW it paints a sad picture of the prosecution service, which she sees as trying to ingratiate itself with the new authorities by showing what it could have done but was unwilling to do until ten days earlier. She hopes speed will not cost the quality of indictments, and that the cases are not personal vendettas within the old regime. Tanja Arsic, an incoming MP for the Students' List, says the law always allowed action, but people obstructed the system by putting cases in drawers.
Whether investigations will reach the top is open. Vucic says he is not afraid of arrest and that nothing financial will be found against him, because he does not sign or do anything involving money. Accountability, though, also means establishing who made decisions, gave orders and held real power over the deals under investigation. Arsic fears the biggest players might be prosecuted on thin evidence, or charged with something far less serious than what they did, and warns that acquittals from rushed cases would be disastrous.
Savovic says success will be measured by final convictions and permanent confiscation of criminally acquired assets, not popular arrests. She doubts it is achievable without fundamental changes in the judiciary, police and security structures, which she says long promoted people for obedience and self-censorship. The verdicts will show whether Serbia is breaking with its old system of power or just swapping one set of power brokers for another.
Citações Notáveis
I hope this speed of action will not come at the expense of the quality of indictments and that these are not personal vendettas within the old regime.— Prosecutor Bojana Savovic, to DW
The prosecution must not bring indictments if there is not enough evidence. That would be disastrous.— Tanja Arsic, incoming Students' List MP, to DW