On September 6, Saxony-Anhalt faces a state election that has become, for many of its residents with roots abroad, something closer to a referendum on belonging itself. The AfD, polling above 40 percent on a platform of deportations and 'remigration,' stands poised to become the largest party in a German state for the first time — a prospect that has transformed a routine democratic exercise into an existential reckoning for communities that have spent years weaving themselves into the fabric of a place they call home. History reminds us that the question of who belongs to a society is never s
Saxony-Anhalt election poses existential questions for migrants as AfD surges
Migrants and people with African descent report widespread discrimination and anxiety about their legal status and safety in Germany if the AfD gains power.
How safe can I feel here, and will I be recognized as part of this society?
Mark
So the AfD is leading by a huge margin—over 40 percent. That's genuinely unprecedented for them in a state election, right?
Mimi
Yes. If they win, they become the strongest party in a state parliament for the first time. That's a real threshold moment, which is why people are paying such close attention.
Luke
But let me push back on the framing. The AfD has been strong in eastern Germany for years. What's new here is the scale, not the phenomenon itself.
Mark
Fair point. So what does "remigration" actually mean? The AfD uses the term but doesn't define it clearly.
Mimi
That's part of what makes it so unsettling. It's vague enough to encompass everything from incentivizing emigration to forced deportations. The ambiguity itself creates anxiety.
Luke
Right, and we should be careful not to overstate what the AfD has actually committed to. They talk about it, but the legal mechanisms and feasibility are still unclear. That doesn't make the rhetoric less alarming, but it's worth noting.
Mark
One woman said they're "sitting on packed suitcases." Is that widespread, or is that one person's emotional response?
Mimi
It's clearly one person's vivid description, but she's speaking from within migrant organizations, so she's hearing that anxiety from others. It's not a survey, though.
Luke
Exactly. We have one quote capturing a mood, which is valuable, but we don't have hard data on how many people are actually considering leaving or how serious those considerations are.
Mark
What about the people who are staying put and staying engaged?
Mimi
They're emphasizing that the future depends on who stays and participates—through local councils, businesses, associations. They're not giving up.
Luke
And that's important to hear, but it's also worth acknowledging that staying engaged is easier for some people than others, depending on legal status, economic security, and other factors. The story doesn't fully explore that.
Mark
So September 6 is the real test.
Mimi
Yes. And whatever happens, these communities say the work of building belonging continues.
The Pulse
- The AfD's 40-percent polling lead in Saxony-Anhalt — nearly double that of the center-right CDU — signals a potential political watershed that no German state has yet witnessed.
- Migrants, Black residents, and people with international backgrounds describe a creeping dread: some say they feel as though they are 'sitting on packed suitcases,' uncertain whether the country they have built lives in will still recognize them as part of it.
- The party's 'deportation and remigration offensive' remains deliberately vague in its definitions, and that ambiguity itself generates fear — when the boundaries of belonging are left undefined, those on the margins feel the threat most acutely.
- Community leaders and elected officials with migration backgrounds are pushing back against despair, urging people to vote, stay engaged, and resist the impulse to retreat from public life before the outcome is even known.
- Despite the anxiety, Saxony-Anhalt's foreign-born population has nearly doubled over a decade, with African-origin residents increasingly visible in local councils, businesses, and civic associations — a presence that will not simply dissolve regardless of who wins.
On September 6, Saxony-Anhalt faces a state election that has become, for many of its residents with roots abroad, something closer to a referendum on belonging itself. The AfD, polling above 40 percent on a platform of deportations and 'remigration,' stands poised to become the largest party in a German state for the first time — a prospect that has transformed a routine democratic exercise into an existential reckoning for communities that have spent years weaving themselves into the fabric of a place they call home. History reminds us that the question of who belongs to a society is never settled by a single vote, but elections can shift the ground beneath those who have not yet been fully welcomed.
When Saxony-Anhalt voters go to the polls on September 6, they will be choosing more than a state parliament. For the tens of thousands of residents with roots elsewhere, the election has taken on the weight of an existential question: whether they still belong.
The AfD, polling above 40 percent, is on course to become the largest party in a German state for the first time. Its platform — centered on a self-described 'deportation and remigration offensive' — has sent ripples of anxiety through migrant communities. The term 'remigration' is left deliberately undefined by the party, but its implications are widely understood: certain categories of foreign nationals should leave. For people who have spent years or decades building lives in Saxony-Anhalt, that ambiguity is its own form of threat.
Bundestag member Awet Tesfaiesus, born in Eritrea, put the stakes plainly: when ethno-nationalist positions grow stronger, the question for migrants becomes immediate and personal — how safe can I feel, and will I ever be seen as a natural part of this society? Former MP Karamba Diaby, who has lived in the state for decades, hears the same fear from young people in schools and migrant organizations. Yet he refuses to surrender to it. Leaving, he insists, would be the last thing anyone should do.
Not everyone is equally shaken. Integration advisor Amidou Traore, based in Magdeburg, describes himself as 'completely relaxed,' channeling his energy into opposition rather than anxiety. His position reflects a broader conviction shared among community leaders: that engagement — through associations, local councils, businesses, and the ballot box — matters more than the election result itself.
Saxony-Anhalt's foreign-born population, though below the national average at 7.9 percent, has nearly doubled over the past decade. African-origin residents in particular have grown more visible in civic life. Research continues to document the racism embedded in daily experience, but it also captures a community that is choosing, deliberately, to stay and shape the place it calls home. What September 6 decides is only the beginning of that story.
On September 6, voters in Saxony-Anhalt will decide the composition of their state parliament, but for many residents with roots elsewhere, the election has become something far more consequential than a routine political choice. The Alternative for Germany, or AfD, is polling above 40 percent—nearly double the support for the center-right Christian Democrats at 24 percent. If those numbers hold, the AfD will achieve something it has not yet managed in any German state: becoming the largest party in a regional election.
The AfD's platform centers on what it calls a "deportation and remigration offensive." The party advocates sharply reducing immigration, expanding deportations, and promoting what it terms remigration—a concept the party itself does not precisely define, though it is widely understood to mean encouraging certain categories of migrants and foreign nationals to leave Germany. The party also emphasizes national sovereignty, cultural identity, and traditional family values. For many people with migration backgrounds living in Saxony-Anhalt, these proposals have transformed an ordinary election into an existential question.
Awet Tesfaiesus, a Green Party member of the Bundestag born in Eritrea, frames the stakes plainly. "When racist and ethno-nationalist positions become stronger, the question for them becomes very concrete: How safe can I feel here, and will I be recognized as a natural part of this society?" she told Deutsche Welle. Karamba Diaby, a former Social Democratic Party member of the Bundestag who was born in Senegal and has lived in Saxony-Anhalt for decades, reports hearing the same anxiety from younger people in schools and migrant organizations: "Can we continue to stay in this country?" Yet Diaby resists catastrophizing. "Of course you can stay here," he said. "I am against painting the devil on the wall and saying I would leave my state if such a majority came to power. That would be the last thing we could do."
Batoul Nayouf, a Syrian-born member of the Saxony-Anhalt State Network of Migrant Organizations, captured the emotional tenor of the moment in an interview with public broadcaster MDR: "We are sitting on packed suitcases." Not everyone shares that sense of imminent departure. Amidou Traore, an integration advisor and local politician with roots in Côte d'Ivoire based in Magdeburg, told Deutsche Welle he remains "completely relaxed." "Everyone knows that the AfD is a party of hate and incitement, and those like me who oppose it are trying to stay calm," he said.
The foreign-born population of Saxony-Anhalt stands at 7.9 percent, well below the national average. Yet the composition of that population has shifted significantly. By the end of 2025, approximately 193,000 people with foreign citizenship lived in the state, with roughly 10 percent of that foreign population originating from African countries. Over the past decade, the number of people with an international background has nearly doubled. International students, care workers, scientists, and entrepreneurs now contribute to economic development across multiple sectors.
Members of the African community in Saxony-Anhalt have become increasingly visible in public life—through associations, businesses, church congregations, and local councils. These platforms offer opportunities to advance their interests in employment, education, and the broader migration debate. Tesfaiesus emphasizes the fundamental claim: "Black people and people with a migration background belong to this country. Their rights and their safety are not up for debate." Yet research from Afrozensus, a study examining the lived realities of Black people in Germany, documents that racism remains embedded in daily experience—in public authorities, educational institutions, and public spaces.
For figures like Diaby, Tesfaiesus, and Traore, the path forward depends less on election results than on the choices of those who remain and choose to engage. Traore articulated this clearly: "The election matters and is decisive. We have to cast our votes. If the AfD comes out on top, then it has earned the victory. And then we will see how life in Saxony-Anhalt is shaped. But we should try to avoid that." The September 6 vote will reveal what Saxony-Anhalt voters want their state to become. What happens after will depend on whether those with migration backgrounds stay to shape it.
Notable Quotes
When racist and ethno-nationalist positions become stronger, the question for them becomes very concrete: How safe can I feel here, and will I be recognized as a natural part of this society?— Awet Tesfaiesus, Green Party Bundestag member born in Eritrea
We are sitting on packed suitcases.— Batoul Nayouf, Syrian-born member of Saxony-Anhalt State Network of Migrant Organizations
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Politics & Governance