In the long and recurring story of power and private gain, New South Wales finds itself once again before its corruption watchdog, where evidence has emerged that Liberal operatives allegedly accepted $2 million from a fugitive property developer in exchange for steering his projects through a government fast-track approval process. The inquiry, heard by the Independent Commission Against Corruption, places three conservative political figures at the centre of arrangements that — if proven — would represent not merely personal enrichment, but the quiet bending of public planning systems toward
NSW Liberal operatives allegedly discussed luxury cars while receiving illegal developer payments
just how Nassif did business
Mark
So these three men were essentially paid a million dollars per project to make sure Nassif's developments got approved?
Mimi
That's what the evidence suggests. They were offered $1 million per project through a fast-track process that was supposed to streamline approvals. The total could have been $5 million if all five projects went through.
Luke
But we should be clear—Greenwood testified to this. We don't have independent confirmation of what Nassif actually said or intended. Nassif is a fugitive, so his side isn't in the room.
Mark
And the car messages—those are real texts between Greenwood and Ellis?
Mimi
Yes. They're exchanging pictures of Porsches and Ferraris, discussing which one to buy, and this happens right around the time they're meeting with Nassif about the payments.
Luke
Though Greenwood says he didn't buy the $280,000 Porsche. We don't know what he actually purchased or whether the car conversation was directly about this money. It's suggestive, but it's not a confession.
Mark
What about the pink paper agreement? That sounds almost comical.
Mimi
It does, but it's also what Greenwood testified to—that Nassif's associate kept the deal written on a scrap of pink paper in her glasses case. It suggests informality, or deliberate avoidance of a paper trail.
Luke
Again, that's Greenwood's account of what he saw. We haven't heard from Mouawad or seen the paper itself.
Mark
And the political outcomes—removing council members, going after the building commissioner?
Mimi
Icac alleges the payments were used for those purposes. The building commissioner had blocked Nassif's projects because of defects. Getting him removed would clear the way.
Luke
But Greenwood denied that when asked directly. He said the money was just for delivery of services. So we have an allegation from Icac and a denial from Greenwood. The inquiry is still ongoing.
Mark
What's the significance of routing money through Charles Perrottet's wife's company?
Mimi
It suggests an attempt to obscure the payments, to make them look like legitimate consulting fees rather than direct political donations. It's a layer of separation.
Luke
Possibly. But we should note that Dominic Perrottet, the former premier, is explicitly not under investigation. Charles is his brother, but they're separate people. That distinction matters.
The Pulse
- Three Liberal operatives allegedly split $2 million in payments from collapsed developer Jean Nassif, with the arrangement reportedly struck at an April 2020 meeting and recorded on nothing more than a scrap of pink paper.
- Text messages between two of the operatives — exchanged around the time of that meeting — show them enthusiastically comparing Ferraris and Porsches, raising sharp questions about whether the payments served any legitimate consulting purpose.
- The fast-track approval process, designed to accelerate housing delivery, is now at the centre of allegations that it was instead used as a mechanism for rewarding those with the right political connections.
- ICAC is probing whether the money extended beyond personal enrichment to fund political objectives — including the removal of a local council and efforts to oust building commissioner David Chandler, who had moved against Nassif's defect-riddled developments.
- Key figures have denied wrongdoing, one operative remains overseas and is not expected to testify, and the inquiry is ongoing — leaving the full shape of the alleged arrangement still to be drawn.
In the long and recurring story of power and private gain, New South Wales finds itself once again before its corruption watchdog, where evidence has emerged that Liberal operatives allegedly accepted $2 million from a fugitive property developer in exchange for steering his projects through a government fast-track approval process. The inquiry, heard by the Independent Commission Against Corruption, places three conservative political figures at the centre of arrangements that — if proven — would represent not merely personal enrichment, but the quiet bending of public planning systems toward private interest. Text messages about Ferraris and Porsches, a deal allegedly scrawled on a scrap of pink paper, and a monthly retainer running alongside the larger payments together sketch a portrait of how influence, when left unexamined, can quietly reshape the built environment of a city.
The Independent Commission Against Corruption heard on Monday that Liberal lobbyist Jeremy Greenwood and two associates allegedly shared $2 million in payments from Jean Nassif, the fugitive owner of the now-collapsed Toplace development company, in exchange for steering his projects through a NSW government fast-track approval process. Alongside Greenwood, conservative powerbroker Charles Perrottet — brother of former premier Dominic Perrottet, who faces no allegations — and operative Christian Ellis are accused of receiving illegal political donations. Both Greenwood and Charles Perrottet have denied the allegations; Ellis is overseas and is not expected to appear before the inquiry.
Counsel assisting Peggy Dwyer told the commission the payments were divided equally three ways. Around the time of an April 2020 meeting between Nassif, Greenwood, and Charles Perrottet, Greenwood and Ellis exchanged text messages comparing a Porsche 911 to a red Ferrari — each priced at roughly $280,000. Ellis chose the Ferrari; Greenwood confirmed he had settled on a Porsche, though a less expensive model. Greenwood acknowledged that the trio had been offered $1 million per approved project, with the original arrangement allegedly written on a scrap of pink paper kept in an associate's glasses case. Beckington Consulting, Greenwood's firm, also held a separate $30,000 monthly retainer with Toplace.
The approved projects spanned several Sydney sites, including developments in Parramatta, Castle Hill, and Mascot. Disputes arose over one project that required a change to a local environment plan. Testimony also revealed discussions about routing Charles Perrottet's share of payments through his wife's company. When Dwyer pressed Greenwood on whether the payments were intended to achieve political outcomes, he initially framed them as service fees — but text messages presented to the inquiry suggested the operatives were also working to install a political ally as deputy mayor. ICAC further alleges the funds were used to pursue the removal of Hills Shire council and to push out building commissioner David Chandler, who had issued prohibition orders on Nassif's defect-plagued developments. The investigation continues.
The Independent Commission Against Corruption heard evidence on Monday that two Liberal operatives exchanged text messages about buying a Porsche or Ferrari while discussing payments they had received from a fugitive property developer for steering his projects through a government fast-track approval process.
Jeremy Greenwood, a lobbyist and principal at Beckington Consulting, is alleged to have shared $2 million in payments from Jean Nassif, the owner of the now-collapsed Toplace development company. Greenwood, along with Charles Perrottet—a rightwing political powerbroker and brother of former NSW premier Dominic Perrottet—and Christian Ellis, another conservative Liberal operative, are accused of receiving illegal political donations. Dominic Perrottet is not under investigation and faces no allegations. Greenwood and Charles Perrottet have denied accepting illegal donations. Ellis is currently overseas and is not expected to testify during the hearings.
The payments, counsel assisting Peggy Dwyer told the inquiry, were split equally three ways among the trio. In April 2020, Greenwood and Charles Perrottet met with Nassif. Around the same time, Greenwood and Ellis exchanged text messages about luxury vehicles. Greenwood sent a photo of a Porsche 911. Ellis responded with enthusiasm about a high-end model, calling it "insane." Greenwood then pivoted to a red Ferrari. The exchange continued with both men discussing the vehicles' merits, with Greenwood noting that a Ferrari cost roughly $280,000, the same as the Porsche. Ellis ultimately chose the Ferrari. When Dwyer asked if Greenwood had settled on a Porsche, he confirmed he had—though not the $280,000 model.
Dwyer suggested the April 24 meeting between Nassif, Charles Perrottet, and Greenwood was where the scale of the payments was negotiated. Greenwood acknowledged that the three men were offered $1 million per project if Nassif's developments were approved through the fast-track process. The projects included 189 Macquarie Street in Parramatta, Garthowen in Castle Hill, O'Riordan Street in Mascot, a Cherrybrook development, and possibly sites in Clyde or Box Hill. According to Greenwood's testimony, the agreement was written on a scrap of pink paper that Nassif's associate Larissa Mouawad kept in her glasses case. Dwyer expressed surprise that Greenwood had accepted the arrangement, given that Beckington stood to receive up to $5 million if all projects were approved. Greenwood said this was simply how Nassif conducted business.
Disputes later arose over payment for the Garthowen project, which required a change to the Hills Shire local environment plan and was approved in the third tranche of the fast-track process rather than as a standard development approval. The 189 Macquarie Street project received approval in the fifth tranche around August 2020. Greenwood testified that discussions about splitting payments with Charles Perrottet occurred separately, and that there were conversations about routing Charles's share through his wife Anita's company, Macquarie Consulting. The $2 million in payments came on top of a monthly retainer of $30,000 that Beckington had already negotiated with Toplace.
When Dwyer asked whether the payments from Nassif were intended to achieve political outcomes, Greenwood initially denied it, saying the money was simply compensation for delivery of services. But Dwyer then presented text messages in which Greenwood and Ellis discussed efforts to get Ellis's mother into the deputy mayoralty position. The inquiry also heard that Icac alleges the payments were used to fund political objectives, including the removal of the Hills Shire council and attempts to remove building commissioner David Chandler, who had issued prohibition orders on Nassif's developments due to construction defects. The investigation continues.
Notable Quotes
There's something about a red Ferrari always.— Jeremy Greenwood, in text exchange with Christian Ellis
This money was just paying for delivery.— Jeremy Greenwood, denying the payments were intended to achieve political outcomes
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Politics & Governance