Weeks before Morocco's September 23 parliamentary election, the governing coalition that has held power since 2021 is unraveling in public, its three partners already quarreling over candidates and ministerial posts as if the vote were a formality rather than a reckoning. A leaked recording attributed to House Speaker Rachid Talbi Alami has laid bare what coalition politics so often conceals: that the negotiation of power can precede the consent of the governed. Against this backdrop of institutional fracture, ordinary Moroccans carry the weight of unfulfilled promises — a million jobs that ne
Morocco's ruling coalition fractures ahead of September 23 election
Dividing up the spoils without having hunted them
So the ruling coalition is already fighting before the campaign even starts. What's actually at stake in this election?
The party that comes first gets the strongest claim to form the next government. But in Morocco's multi-party system, you can't govern alone—you have to build a coalition. So the RNI, PAM, and Istiqlal are partners today, but they're also rivals competing for the same seats and influence.
And the leaked recording shows they're already negotiating who gets which ministry before voters vote. How much of the next government is actually being decided in backrooms?
That's the question voters are asking. The government says it's just normal political debate, but it does raise the issue of whether the election outcome is truly open or whether key positions are already being allocated.
What are voters actually concerned about?
Cost of living, employment, healthcare, education. The government promised one million net jobs over five years. They've created about 95,000. Prices haven't come down even though inflation has slowed. And then there's the Ceuta tragedy—96 people died trying to cross into Spain in July.
Wait—how many of those deaths were identified? Because that matters for understanding what actually happened.
By August 21, authorities had identified only six of the 96 dead. Most of the crossing was fueled by misinformation on social media—people thought Spain had opened the border.
So this is about more than just migration. It's about youth desperation and opportunity.
Exactly. The opposition is calling for an inquiry. It's become a political issue because it raises questions about why so many young Moroccans are willing to risk their lives to leave.
And turnout matters here. Only about 50 percent of registered voters participated in 2021. Young people aged 18 to 24 are only three percent of registered voters. So the real question is whether parties can persuade the disengaged to show up.
Can the opposition actually capitalize on this?
The Justice and Development Party governed until 2021, then collapsed from 125 seats to 13. They're trying to rebuild, but convincing voters they deserve another chance is difficult. The real contest is whether any party can convince skeptical voters that another election will produce meaningful change.
O Pulso
- A leaked audio recording attributed to Morocco's House Speaker has cracked the coalition open, exposing allies already dividing ministerial posts before a single vote is cast.
- The government promised one million net jobs by 2026 and delivered roughly 95,000 — a gap so wide the opposition needs little else to build a campaign around.
- The July 30 Ceuta crossing, in which at least 96 people died and only six had been identified weeks later, has transformed youth desperation into a live political wound.
- Eid al-Adha sheep prices so high that families could not afford the ritual sacrifice have made the cost-of-living crisis visceral, personal, and impossible to spin away.
- With turnout at just 50 percent in 2021 and young people barely registering to vote, every party faces the deeper challenge of making a skeptical electorate believe participation matters.
- Social media is simultaneously the arena for political messaging, the channel through which the leaked recording spread, and the platform that helped mobilize tens of thousands toward Ceuta — a force no party fully controls.
Weeks before Morocco's September 23 parliamentary election, the governing coalition that has held power since 2021 is unraveling in public, its three partners already quarreling over candidates and ministerial posts as if the vote were a formality rather than a reckoning. A leaked recording attributed to House Speaker Rachid Talbi Alami has laid bare what coalition politics so often conceals: that the negotiation of power can precede the consent of the governed. Against this backdrop of institutional fracture, ordinary Moroccans carry the weight of unfulfilled promises — a million jobs that never materialized, food prices that never relented, and the memory of at least 96 people who died crossing into Ceuta in a single desperate July night.
Morocco's three governing parties — RNI, PAM, and Istiqlal — have governed together since 2021, but with the September 23 parliamentary election approaching, their alliance is fracturing in public. Candidates are being poached across party lines, accusations are flying, and a leaked audio recording attributed to House Speaker Rachid Talbi Alami has exposed what was meant to stay private: coalition partners are already negotiating which party controls which ministry after an election that hasn't happened yet.
The recording centered on budget minister Fouzi Lekjaa — the football federation chief who became a national figure during Morocco's 2022 World Cup run — with a voice attributed to Talbi Alami warning against letting him hold the economy and finance portfolio in any future government. Lekjaa pushed back, rejecting the idea of dividing spoils before the hunt. Party leaders called it normal political debate. But the episode revealed something harder to dismiss: these are partners in government and rivals for the same voters, and the line between the two has collapsed.
The election will be fought on terrain that has shifted painfully for ordinary Moroccans. The government promised at least one million net jobs between 2021 and 2026; it created roughly 95,000. Inflation has eased but prices have not fallen, and for millions of households the question is not what the economic indicators say but what groceries and transport cost today. This year's Eid al-Adha brought sheep back to markets — but at prices so high that widespread reports described families unable to afford the sacrifice, turning a religious tradition into a referendum on the government's management of daily life.
The sharpest wound is more recent. On July 30, at least 72,000 people crossed from Morocco into the Spanish enclave of Ceuta, driven partly by social media posts falsely suggesting Spain had opened its border. At least 96 people died — 82 on the Spanish side, 14 on the Moroccan side — and by late August, only six had been identified. The now-opposition Justice and Development Party has called for a royal commission of inquiry, pulling the tragedy into the election as a question about youth unemployment, migration, and what Morocco owes its young people.
The governing coalition can point to economic growth and expanded social protections. But with roughly 15.8 million registered voters out of an estimated 25 million of voting age, and with turnout at only 50 percent in 2021, the deeper contest is over whether Moroccans who have stopped believing in elections can be persuaded to show up. Young people aged 18 to 24 make up just three percent of the registered electorate. What the September 23 vote will ultimately measure is not only which party wins the most seats, but whether Morocco's political class can convince a skeptical public that the outcome will matter to their lives.
Morocco's governing coalition is fracturing in plain sight, with three parties that have governed together since 2021 now openly accusing each other of poaching candidates and jockeying for position—all before the official campaign even begins on September 10. The September 23 parliamentary election will determine which party gets the strongest claim to form the next government, and the scramble for advantage has already turned ugly.
A leaked audio recording attributed to House Speaker Rachid Talbi Alami, a senior figure in the National Rally of Independents (RNI), exposed the raw tensions simmering beneath the coalition's surface. In the recording, a voice attributed to Talbi Alami criticized budget minister Fouzi Lekjaa—a high-profile politician who has led Morocco's football federation since 2014 and was central to the national team's 2022 World Cup run—without naming him directly, warning against allowing him to hold the economy and finance portfolio in any future government. The recording circulated after the RNI accused its coalition partner, the Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM), of recruiting its elected officials and candidates away. What emerged was not a private disagreement but a window into how Morocco's governing allies are already dividing up ministerial posts before voters have cast a single ballot. Lekjaa responded by rejecting the idea of "dividing up the spoils without having hunted them," while RNI President Mohamed Chouki and Head of Government Aziz Akhannouch defended internal party discussions as normal political debate. The tension revealed something deeper: the three governing parties—RNI, PAM, and Istiqlal—are partners in government today but rivals competing for the same voters, candidates, and influence.
The election itself will be fought over ground that has shifted beneath ordinary Moroccans' feet. About 15.8 million voters are registered out of a voting-age population estimated at roughly 25 million. The government promised to create at least one million net jobs between 2021 and 2026. By the end of 2025, it had delivered about 95,000—a gap so wide that opposition parties have a simple, devastating campaign line ready. The cost of living remains the dominant concern for voters. Inflation has slowed from its sharpest increases, but prices have not fallen back to where they were. Food, transport, and basic expenses remain more expensive than they were years ago. For many households, the question is not whether economic indicators are improving but whether they can feel that improvement when they buy groceries or pay for transport.
Two recent events have sharpened voter frustration into political ammunition. Last year, drought and livestock shortages made the traditional Eid al-Adha sheep sacrifice unaffordable for many families. This year, sheep returned to markets but at prices so high that widespread reports described families unable to maintain the ritual. For opposition parties, the issue is not religious observance but the government's failure to manage food supplies and household finances. More dramatically, on July 30, at least 72,000 people crossed from Morocco into the Spanish-administered enclave of Ceuta. Spanish authorities reported 82 deaths on their side and Morocco confirmed 14 deaths on its side. By August 21, authorities had identified only six of the dead. The crossing was fueled partly by misinformation on social media—posts and videos suggesting Spain had opened its border—but it also exposed the desperation driving young Moroccans to risk their lives seeking opportunity elsewhere. The Justice and Development Party, now in opposition, has called for a royal commission of inquiry, bringing the tragedy into the election debate as a question about youth employment, migration, and Morocco's relationship with Spain.
The governing coalition can point to economic growth, investment, and expanded social protection as evidence of progress. But voters will judge them on whether healthcare and education have actually improved, whether public services work better, and whether the reforms they hear about translate into the daily reality they experience. The opposition will argue the government has fallen short on every front. Smaller parties will compete for seats that could give them leverage in forming the next coalition. Turnout will matter enormously: in 2021, only about 50 percent of registered voters participated, and young people aged 18 to 24 make up only about three percent of the registered electorate. The challenge for every party is not just winning votes from the politically engaged but persuading the disengaged to show up.
Social media has already become a primary arena for political messaging and controversy. The leaked Talbi Alami recording spread online before becoming a wider political story. Accounts on social media mobilized thousands toward Ceuta. For Morocco's election, the platforms are simultaneously amplifying political messages, spreading accusations, and circulating misinformation. The official campaign has not started, but the political contest is already under way. What voters will ultimately decide is whether Morocco's parties can convince a skeptical electorate that another election will produce meaningful change—or whether the internal disputes, unfulfilled promises, and daily struggles will prove too much to overcome.
Citações Notáveis
Dividing up the spoils without having hunted them is not my concern— Fouzi Lekjaa, budget minister, rejecting pre-election allocation of government posts
There was no evidence Morocco had been involved in organising the mass crossing— Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, attributing the Ceuta influx to criminal networks and disinformation