More than three decades after the guns fell silent in Bosnia, the funeral of convicted war criminal Ratko Mladic in Belgrade has reminded the region that the past is never truly buried. Serbian officials attended ceremonies that, whatever their formal designation, carried the unmistakable weight of state honor — and the reverberations crossed the border immediately, freezing diplomatic ties between Sarajevo and Belgrade and reopening wounds that Srebrenica's survivors have carried since 1995. With elections approaching in both countries, the ceremony has become less a moment of mourning than a
Mladic funeral deepens Bosnia divide as election looms
Without Ratko Mladic, there would be no Republika Srpska.
Why does a funeral in Belgrade matter so much to Bosnia? They're different countries now.
Because the war never really ended in people's minds. Mladic commanded Bosnian Serb forces during the genocide. For Serbs in Republika Srpska, he's a symbol of their survival as a people. For Bosniaks and Croats, he's the face of genocide. A funeral with military honors looks like the Serbian state saying his side was right.
So Sarajevo's response—pulling out the embassy staff—that's proportional?
It's a message. They're saying: you honored a genocide convict, so we're freezing relations. But it's also political. Elections are coming in October. Tough stances on Mladic play well with voters who lost family members.
Hold on. We should be clear about what actually happened. The Serbian government said it didn't organize a state funeral. Was it or wasn't it?
That's the ambiguity. No official state funeral declaration. But the justice minister was there, military honors were provided, senior officials attended. The government didn't condemn glorification of him.
So it's the appearance of a state funeral without the label. That's worth noting—the distinction between what was officially claimed and what actually occurred.
And this affects EU membership for both countries?
Yes. Both Serbia and Bosnia want to join the EU. But the EU requires confronting war crimes and moving past ethnic nationalism. When political leaders exploit Mladic's funeral for votes, they're moving in the opposite direction.
The analyst, Tanja Topic, said the elites haven't done a real reckoning with history in thirty years. Is that her assessment, or is that what the reporting found?
That's her direct statement. She's a political analyst in Banja Luka. But the broader pattern—the lack of reconciliation, the frozen relations—that's documented in the diplomatic moves and the statements from Sarajevo.
So who actually wins from this?
Nobody. Relations get worse. EU accession gets delayed. Victims' families are hurt again. But in the short term, politicians score points with their base by taking hard stances.
And the people paying the price—ordinary Bosnians and Serbians—they're not the ones making these decisions.
Exactly. The political elites are trapped in what Topic calls a vicious circle, and everyone else lives with the consequences.
Der Puls
- Mladic's Belgrade funeral — attended by Serbia's justice minister, military units, and senior officials — carried the unmistakable appearance of state honor for a man convicted of genocide, even as the government insisted otherwise.
- Bosnia's Foreign Minister immediately withdrew nearly all embassy staff from Belgrade, freezing day-to-day diplomatic contact and relocating consular services to Zagreb and Podgorica in a pointed act of protest.
- For Srebrenica survivors and victims' families, the public ceremony was not history — it was a fresh declaration that their suffering could be celebrated, and the Office of the High Representative warned it actively undermined reconciliation.
- Republika Srpska officials traveled to Belgrade and embraced the narrative that Mladic had defended his people, while Sarajevo's condemnations allowed the central government to position itself as guardian of the state's dignity — both sides converting grief into electoral currency.
- With Bosnia's elections on October 4 and Serbia's close behind, analyst Tanja Topic warned that political elites on all sides were exploiting the moment, perpetuating a vicious circle in which ethno-nationalist identity politics crowds out any genuine reckoning with the past.
- The prospect of EU accession for either country has receded further, and the ideology that sparked the 1990s wars — that ethnic coexistence is impossible — remains firmly embedded in the political mainstream of both nations.
More than three decades after the guns fell silent in Bosnia, the funeral of convicted war criminal Ratko Mladic in Belgrade has reminded the region that the past is never truly buried. Serbian officials attended ceremonies that, whatever their formal designation, carried the unmistakable weight of state honor — and the reverberations crossed the border immediately, freezing diplomatic ties between Sarajevo and Belgrade and reopening wounds that Srebrenica's survivors have carried since 1995. With elections approaching in both countries, the ceremony has become less a moment of mourning than a mirror held up to a region still unable to agree on what its wars meant — or who, in the end, was responsible for them.
When Ratko Mladic's coffin arrived in Belgrade in early September, the Serbian government was careful to insist it had not organized a state funeral. But the justice minister accompanied the coffin, military units provided ceremonial honors, and senior officials attended. No clear condemnation of the proceedings came from the government. Whatever the official framing, the message was unmistakable.
The reverberations crossed into Bosnia and Herzegovina almost immediately. Republika Srpska sent its officials to Belgrade, where thousands of mourners gathered around a simple refrain: without Mladic, there would be no Republika Srpska. In Sarajevo, Foreign Minister Elmedin Konakovic announced the withdrawal of nearly all diplomatic staff from the Belgrade embassy, leaving only the ambassador. Consular services would move to Zagreb and Podgorica. Presidency chair Denis Becirovic called the funeral an "anti-civilizational act" and warned of regional consequences.
For the families of Srebrenica's victims, the ceremony was a fresh wound. The Office of the High Representative, the international body overseeing Bosnia's post-war reconstruction, stated plainly that glorifying convicted war criminals inflicts pain on victims and destroys the foundations of reconciliation.
Yet the funeral was never only about the past. Both countries faced imminent elections — Bosnia on October 4, Serbia shortly after — and Mladic remained a symbol of resistance for portions of both electorates. In Banja Luka, political analyst Tanja Topic identified the deeper pattern: thirty years after the war, no genuine reckoning with history had taken place. Political elites on all sides were exploiting the moment, she said, trapping the region in a cycle where each side extracts political profit while reconciliation recedes further from reach.
The result was a familiar deepening of division. Diplomatic relations froze. EU accession grew more distant. And the belief that had ignited the war in the first place — that ethnic groups could not share a future — remained alive in the political mainstream. Mladic's funeral did not close a chapter. It tore open a new one.
When Ratko Mladic's body arrived in Belgrade in early September, the Serbian government was careful to say it had not organized a state funeral. The distinction mattered to officials in Belgrade, who wanted distance from the optics of honoring a man convicted of genocide. But the details told a different story. The justice minister accompanied the coffin. Military units provided ceremonial honors. Senior political figures attended. The ceremonies unfolded in state-controlled venues. And from the government came no clear statement condemning the glorification of a war criminal. The message, whatever the official framing, was unmistakable.
The funeral's reverberations crossed the border into Bosnia and Herzegovina almost immediately, splitting a country that has never fully healed from the war Mladic helped wage. Republika Srpska, the Serb-majority entity that comprises roughly half of Bosnia's territory, sent its officials to Belgrade. There, mourners gathered by the thousands, repeating a refrain that captured their view: without Mladic, there would be no Republika Srpska. The narrative was one of vindication—a man who had defended his people against an unjust international system. In Sarajevo, the seat of the central government, the reaction was sharp and immediate. Foreign Minister Elmedin Konakovic announced that Bosnia was withdrawing nearly all diplomatic staff from its embassy in Belgrade, leaving only the ambassador, whose authority did not extend to closing the mission entirely. Consular services would relocate to Zagreb and Podgorica. The move was a deliberate freeze on day-to-day diplomatic contact. Denis Becirovic, chair of Bosnia's presidency, called the funeral an "anti-civilizational act" and warned of consequences for the entire region.
For families of those killed in Srebrenica and other war crimes, the public ceremony was a fresh wound. Any celebration of Mladic was, by definition, a celebration of their loss. The Office of the High Representative, the international body created after the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement to oversee Bosnia's reconstruction, issued a statement making clear that the country's future could not be built on honoring those responsible for the worst atrocities of the past. Glorifying convicted war criminals, the office said, creates divisions, inflicts pain on victims, and undermines reconciliation.
But the funeral was never only about the past. Both Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina faced elections in the coming weeks—Bosnia on October 4, Serbia likely shortly after. In both countries, portions of the electorate still viewed Mladic as a symbol of resistance, which meant that every gesture toward him could be converted into political capital. In Sarajevo, sharp condemnations of the funeral allowed the central government to position itself as defending the state and the dignity of victims. In Republika Srpska, the presence of officials at the ceremony and the narrative of international injustice strengthened those building their political identity in opposition to international courts and rulings. Tanja Topic, a political analyst based in Banja Luka, saw the pattern clearly. The main culprits, she said, were the political elites themselves. In thirty years since the war ended, there had been no genuine reckoning with the darkest chapters of history. Mladic's funeral was a gift to those pushing ethno-nationalist politics, and those people still held power. "Such an institutional stance towards crimes provokes a reaction on the other side, and then everyone exploits the situation, trapping us in a vicious circle where each tries to extract political profit," Topic said.
The result was a deepening of the divisions that have defined Bosnia since 1995. Relations between Sarajevo and Belgrade froze. The prospect of either country joining the European Union receded further into the distance. And the ideology that had sparked the war in the first place—the belief that ethnic groups could not coexist, that history was a zero-sum competition—remained alive in the political mainstream. Thirty-one years after the war ended, Bosnia remained a deeply divided society. Mladic's funeral did not close a chapter; it tore open a new one, exposing how far the region still had to travel to move beyond the 1990s.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
Such an institutional stance towards crimes provokes a reaction on the other side, and then everyone exploits the situation, trapping us in a vicious circle where each tries to extract political profit.— Tanja Topic, political analyst from Banja Luka
Glorifying convicted war criminals, as well as denying genocide and other war crimes, creates divisions, inflicts additional pain on victims and their families, and undermines the reconciliation process.— Office of the High Representative in Bosnia