Iran Revives Shadow Networks to Evade Trump's Toughest Sanctions Yet

A billionaire sentenced to death is back at the center
Babak Zanjani, released from prison after a $2.6 billion corruption case, has returned to lead Iran's shadow sanctions-evasion networks.
Mark

So Zanjani was in prison for corruption, and now he's back running businesses for Iran. How does that happen?

Mimi

He spent years negotiating with Iranian authorities over the $2.6 billion they said he owed. By 2024, Iranian media reported his assets had been repatriated and his wealth had grown beyond his liabilities. He was released in 2025 and immediately returned to business.

Luke

But we don't actually know the terms of his release or what deal was struck. The reporting says he "negotiated" but doesn't explain what that negotiation looked like or what he gave up.

Mark

And now the US has put him back on the sanctions list. Does that actually stop him?

Mimi

The US expanded sanctions in July targeting him and his network of associates. But the challenge is that these networks operate through shell companies across multiple countries—Malaysia, Turkey, the UAE, Tajikistan. It's hard to reach them all.

Luke

Right, and the reporting acknowledges that traditional evasion routes are "increasingly difficult" but not impossible. Iran has adapted for decades. We don't know if these new sanctions will actually work.

Mark

What about the cryptocurrency angle? Is that new?

Mimi

It appears to be an emerging strategy. Zanjani reportedly proposed using cryptocurrencies to secure oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz. It operates outside the dollar-based system, which makes it attractive to Iran.

Luke

But we're only hearing about this from the Fars News Agency, which is close to the Revolutionary Guards. We don't have independent confirmation of how widely this is actually being used or how much oil is moving through crypto channels.

Mark

So the US knows about these networks now because of people like Zarrab who got caught and cooperated?

Mimi

Exactly. Zarrab was arrested in 2016 and gave US investigators detailed knowledge of how the financial mechanisms work. That intelligence has helped Washington target networks more effectively.

Luke

Though it's worth noting that Zarrab was one person, and the networks are vast. One person's knowledge, even detailed knowledge, might only illuminate part of the picture.

Mark

What does Zanjani want now? Why open a café?

Mimi

He's trying to reinvent himself. He sent an open letter to Elon Musk offering his company as a bridge for economic cooperation between Iran and the US. He's presenting himself as an entrepreneur and mediator.

Luke

The café was shut down the day after it opened, so that reinvention didn't last long. We don't know if it was a genuine business attempt or a signal to someone.

  • Washington's sweeping 'economic D-Day' sanctions target Iran's oil, banking, gold, shipping, and aviation sectors simultaneously — an attempt to achieve through financial strangulation what military pressure since February has not.
  • At the center of Tehran's counter-strategy stands Babak Zanjani, a 53-year-old billionaire who moved from a death sentence for a $2.6 billion corruption case to signing multibillion-dollar state contracts within months of his 2025 release.
  • Iran is pivoting toward cryptocurrencies and oil black markets as traditional evasion channels face greater scrutiny, with Zanjani reportedly proposing bitcoin-based mechanisms for oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz.
  • The US is expanding sanctions to target Zanjani's associates and digital currency transactions, drawing on intelligence gathered from the cooperation of Turkish-Iranian businessman Reza Zarrab, who exposed the inner workings of Iran's evasion networks after his 2016 arrest.
  • Iran's shadow economy is not improvised — it is structural, backed by government and military patrons, and ranked among the world's most corrupt systems, giving Tehran both the incentive and the institutional depth to keep adapting.

For decades, Iran has cultivated a parallel economic architecture — one designed not to build prosperity, but to survive siege. Now, as the Trump administration declares what it calls an 'economic D-Day,' Tehran is once again reaching into that shadow world, led in part by a billionaire who moved from death row to a railway contract to a pastry shop opening in the span of a single year. The contest between sanction and evasion is as old as the Islamic Republic itself, and it raises a question that transcends any one administration: can economic pressure alone reshape a state that has made the art of circumvention a pillar of its survival?

The Trump administration has imposed what it calls 'economic D-Day' sanctions on Iran, targeting oil revenues, banking, gold, shipping, aviation, and technology. The goal is submission through financial pressure. But Iran has spent decades building exactly the kind of opaque, multinational network that such sanctions are designed to destroy — and it is now activating it again.

At the center of this revival is Babak Zanjani, a 53-year-old billionaire whose story reads like a parable of Iran's political economy. He began his career as a driver for the central bank governor during military service, a position that opened doors to influential circles. Over the following decades, he built an empire of roughly 60 companies operating across Malaysia, Tajikistan, Turkey, and the UAE. During the Ahmadinejad years, he reportedly sold billions of barrels of Iranian oil on the black market while simultaneously importing goods — including aircraft — into the country. In 2016, he was sentenced to death for failing to return $2.6 billion in oil revenues to the state. He spent years negotiating with Iranian officials, was eventually released in 2025, and within months had signed a multibillion-dollar contract with Iran's state railway. The day before the US announced expanded sanctions against him in July 2026, he opened a café in western Tehran and attended its launch. Authorities shut it down the next morning.

Zanjani is not an anomaly — he is a product of a system. Iran's shadow networks are sustained by powerful patrons inside the government and military who offer protection in exchange for a share of profits. Transparency International ranked Iran 153rd out of 182 countries in its 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index, reflecting how deeply opacity is woven into the state's economic fabric. As one Iran-based journalist observed, the regime sets aside internal rivalries when it needs professionals who can operate efficiently under pressure.

Iran is now adding cryptocurrencies to its evasion toolkit. Digital currencies operate outside dollar-based financial systems, making them attractive for oil transactions and money transfers. Zanjani has reportedly proposed using bitcoin to secure oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz. Washington has responded by expanding sanctions enforcement into digital currency transactions — but the pattern is familiar: each new evasion route prompts a new countermeasure, and the cycle continues.

The most revealing window into how these networks actually function came from Reza Zarrab, a Turkish-Iranian businessman arrested in the US in 2016. His cooperation with investigators gave Washington rare insight into the specific routes, intermediaries, and financial instruments Iran uses to bypass restrictions. That intelligence has sharpened US targeting — but it has not dismantled the underlying architecture. Whether the latest sanctions will meaningfully weaken Iran's shadow economy, or whether Tehran will simply adapt faster than Washington can respond, remains the defining question of this latest confrontation.

The Trump administration has imposed what it calls "economic D-Day" sanctions on Iran, targeting the country's oil revenues, banking system, gold reserves, shipping networks, aviation sector, and certain technology industries. The stated aim is to force Iran's leadership toward submission through economic pressure where military action since February has not succeeded. But Iran has spent decades building something the sanctions are designed to dismantle: a vast, opaque network of businesspeople and shell companies spread across multiple countries, designed specifically to move money and goods around international restrictions.

At the center of this network stands Babak Zanjani, a 53-year-old billionaire who was released from prison last year after serving time for one of Iran's largest corruption cases. In 2016, authorities accused Zanjani of failing to return approximately $2.6 billion in oil revenues to the Iranian state. He was sentenced to death, spent years disputing the charges and negotiating with Iranian officials, and was eventually released in 2025. Within months, he had returned to business, signing a multibillion-dollar contract with Iran's state railway operator through one of his companies. In July 2026, just one day before the United States announced expanded sanctions targeting him and his associates, Zanjani opened a café and pastry shop in western Tehran and attended its launch celebration. Authorities shut the business down the following day.

Zanjani's rise began roughly three decades ago, according to reports, when he worked as a driver for Iran's central bank governor during his military service. That position gave him access to influential circles and business contacts that would eventually allow him to build an empire of around 60 companies operating across Malaysia, Tajikistan, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. During the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Zanjani reportedly used this network to sell billions of barrels of Iranian oil on the black market while simultaneously importing goods—including aircraft—into Iran. Many of his firms were later sanctioned by the United States, but the network's complexity and reach made it difficult to fully dismantle.

The system Zanjani operated within extends far beyond any single businessman. It is a web of companies, financial channels, and personal relationships built over decades to help Iran navigate sanctions. Individuals within these networks receive support and protection from powerful figures inside Iran's government and military establishment. In return, they are understood to share portions of their profits with their patrons. Behzad Ahmadinia, an Iran-born journalist based in Cyprus who covers the oil and energy sector, observed that the regime appears willing to set aside internal rivalries and rely on professionals and experts who can operate more efficiently than others and occupy key positions in the economy.

Iran is now turning to cryptocurrencies as part of its evasion strategy. Digital currencies like bitcoin operate outside the traditional banking system and dollar-based financial networks, making them attractive for money transfers, trade transactions, and increasingly for oil-related business. According to the Fars News Agency, which is close to Iran's Revolutionary Guards, Zanjani has proposed using cryptocurrencies to secure oil shipments passing through the Strait of Hormuz. The United States has responded by focusing more of its sanctions enforcement on digital currency transactions, recognizing them as an emerging vulnerability in its ability to restrict Iran's access to global markets.

A crucial insight into how these networks function came from the case of Reza Zarrab, a Turkish-Iranian businessman who was arrested in the United States in 2016 while on vacation. Zarrab was accused of money laundering and violating US sanctions on Iran. He had built an extensive network in Turkey and possessed detailed knowledge of the financial and trading mechanisms Iran used to bypass restrictions. His cooperation with US investigators provided Washington with valuable intelligence about how sanctions evasion actually works on the ground—the specific routes, the intermediaries, the financial instruments. That knowledge has allowed the United States to target these networks more effectively. Zarrab was eventually released from custody and, according to reports, now lives in the United States under a new identity.

Corruption and lack of transparency are structural features of Iran's political and economic system. Transparency International's 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index gave Iran a score of 23 out of 100 and ranked it 153rd out of 182 countries, indicating very high perceived levels of public-sector corruption. Jamshid Assadi, a France-based economist, noted that people like Zarrab and Zanjani are cultivated within this system and maintain connections to different centers of power, making them valuable assets when the regime faces economic pressure.

The central question now is whether the latest US sanctions can actually reach and disable the networks underpinning Iran's shadow economy. According to Assadi, many traditional sanctions evasion routes are now well known and increasingly difficult for Tehran to use. The United States has warned numerous countries that their companies, banks, and private-sector actors could face penalties if they help Iran bypass restrictions. Yet Iran has spent decades adapting to economic pressure and finding new pathways around it. The return of Zanjani to prominence suggests that Tehran is once again betting on the businessmen who have successfully weathered previous periods of isolation. Whether Washington's expanded sanctions will significantly weaken those networks, or whether Iran will simply develop new methods faster than the United States can counter them, remains an open question.

Among these people, Zanjani belongs to an economic elite with innovative ideas and has repeatedly demonstrated his capabilities in the past. It appears that the regime has decided to overcome internal rivalries and rely on professionals and experts who can work more efficiently than others.
— Behzad Ahmadinia, Iran-born journalist specializing in oil and energy
People like Zarrab or Zanjani are cultivated within the system and maintain connections to different centers of power.
— Jamshid Assadi, France-based economist
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