On a late-August day in Jakarta, a democracy that had only recently settled its succession was made to pause and look at itself. A court had reshaped the rules for regional elections, and a parliament allied with the outgoing president moved within a day to undo that judgment, which many saw as a bid to clear the path for the political houses of Jokowi and his circle. Crowds gathered across several cities to insist that the law's referee be obeyed, and their anger reflected an older question about whether power may be bent to those who hold it. For now the legislators have stepped back, but th
Indonesia Shelves Election Law Changes After Mass Protests Storm Parliament Gates
Police used tear gas and water cannons to disperse thousands of protesters who tried to storm parliament, with rocks thrown and fences torn down.
Parliament put its plan on hold the same day the gate burned
On a late-August day in Jakarta, a democracy that had only recently settled its succession was made to pause and look at itself. A court had reshaped the rules for regional elections, and a parliament allied with the outgoing president moved within a day to undo that judgment, which many saw as a bid to clear the path for the political houses of Jokowi and his circle. Crowds gathered across several cities to insist that the law's referee be obeyed, and their anger reflected an older question about whether power may be bent to those who hold it. For now the legislators have stepped back, but the deeper question of who writes the rules, and whether they must be honored, has been left open for the next session.
On Thursday, August 22, thousands gathered outside Indonesia's parliament in Jakarta. They tore down part of a fence, hurled rocks, and set a gate alight, and police responded with tear gas and water cannons. By nightfall, parliament had shelved the election law changes that had sparked the anger, at least for now.
The trouble began on Tuesday, when the Constitutional Court struck down a minimum vote threshold for nominating regional candidates and eased the requirements for political parties. Within a day, a parliament dominated by a coalition aligned with outgoing President Joko Widodo and president-elect Prabowo Subianto moved to annul the ruling. The stakes were personal: the decision blocked the president's 29-year-old son from running for deputy governor of Central Java and cleared the way for Anies Baswedan to contest Jakarta, where the proposed law would otherwise have left allies of the ruling camp facing almost no opposition.
The unrest soon reached beyond the capital. In Yogyakarta, at least a thousand people rallied, demanding that the court's ruling be respected and political dynasties be rejected. Online, blue posters and the hashtag #KawalPutusanMK drew singers, actors and ordinary citizens into the cause. Teacher Afif Sidik called it the peak of his disdain, and legal experts warned that a court's rulings are final and binding, that lawmakers cannot override them, and that this was a struggle for power.
The government saw things differently, describing the moves as ordinary checks and balances and insisting they brought legal certainty. Markets felt the strain as the rupiah and the stock index fell. Deputy Speaker Sufmi Dasco Ahmad said the debate would resume in the next session. For now the law will not govern this year's regional elections or the end of Jokowi's administration, but whether the court's authority will hold is the question still waiting for an answer.
On Thursday, August 22, thousands of people gathered outside Indonesia's parliament in Jakarta, tore down a section of fence, threw rocks, and set part of a gate on fire. Police answered with tear gas and water cannons. By the end of the day, parliament had put its plan on hold: the election law changes that triggered the crowds would not go ahead for now.
The dispute began earlier in the week. On Tuesday, the Constitutional Court revoked a minimum threshold for nominating candidates in regional elections, and it kept the minimum candidate age at 30. It also made nominations easier for political parties by cutting back a requirement that they hold 20 per cent of a local legislature. Within 24 hours, parliament, dominated by a big-tent coalition aligned with outgoing President Joko Widodo, known as Jokowi, and president-elect Prabowo Subianto, tabled an emergency revision to annul the ruling.
The court's decision carried direct consequences for particular people. It effectively blocked the president's 29-year-old son from contesting the race for deputy governor of Central Java. It would also allow Anies Baswedan, the current favourite and Jakarta's governor from 2017 to 2022, to run in the capital. He faces strong competition from former West Java governor Ridwan Kamil, who has the backing of 10 of 11 parties in the regional legislature and of the coalition formed by Prabowo. According to the South China Morning Post, Kamil would win easily without a challenge from Anies. Bloomberg reported that the proposed law would have let allies of Jokowi and Prabowo run in Central Java and Jakarta with virtually no opposition.
Protests were not confined to Jakarta. Demonstrations broke out in Bandung, Yogyakarta, Surabaya and Makassar. In Yogyakarta, at least 1,000 people rallied in front of the city's parliament building, the state palace and the ceremonial center, demanding that the regional election bill be voted down, that the court's ruling be respected, and that political dynasties be rejected. Some protesters burned tires or carried banners, and one group brought a mock guillotine bearing Jokowi's face. In Bandung, some demonstrators threw rocks at parliament. Online, blue posters reading "Emergency Warning" above Indonesia's national eagle spread widely, and, per Bloomberg, thousands of people, including singers and actors, used the hashtag #KawalPutusanMK to demand the court's decision be upheld.
Afif Sidik, a 29-year-old teacher, called the day "the peak of my disdain," adding that a republic cannot accept leadership decided by one person or an oligarch. Thomas Lembong, a former minister in Jokowi's cabinet, told protesters that once democracy is undermined, authority is lowered and opportunities to work are lost. Anies wrote on X that Indonesian democracy was at a crucial crossroads and urged legislators to remember its fate was in their hands.
Legal experts were blunt. Bivitri Susanti of the Jentera School of Law said court rulings are final and binding, that the legislature cannot violate them, and that this was a power struggle. Elections analyst Titi Anggraini called the maneuver "constitutional insubordination." Wasisto Raharjo Jati of the National Research and Innovation Agency described an "unconstitutional attitude" in parliament. The backdrop is Jokowi's mounting criticism over consolidating power: last year the Constitutional Court, then chaired by his brother-in-law Anwar Usman, allowed his eldest son Gibran Rakabuming Raka to run for vice-president. Usman was criticised for sitting on a case involving a close relative and was later dismissed. Prabowo, who won February's elections in a landslide, will be inaugurated on October 20 with Gibran as vice-president.
The government's line was different. Jokowi said on Wednesday that the court ruling and parliamentary deliberations were standard checks and balances, and the home affairs minister said the changes aimed to provide legal certainty. Presidential spokesperson Hasan Nasbi urged calm and warned against disinformation and violence. Achmad Baidowi, who chairs the parliament panel, said lawmakers would reflect on the public outcry. The rupiah and Jakarta's main stock index slumped by midday, reflecting protest worries and a widening current account deficit.
Deputy Speaker Sufmi Dasco Ahmad told reporters that parliament would continue debating the bill in its next session. For now, that means the law will not apply to this year's regional elections or to Jokowi's administration, which ends in October. What parliament does next, and whether the court's ruling stands, remains the thing to watch.
Citas Notables
The ruling of the Constitutional Court is final and binding; it is not possible for the legislative body to violate it. This is a power struggle.— Bivitri Susanti, Jentera School of Law
This is the peak of my disdain.— Afif Sidik, 29-year-old teacher
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