In the wake of the midterm elections, Democrats have won the power to shape American politics from the House and Senate, yet that power will not fully arrive until January, and a president who has promised to veto nearly everything still holds the pen. What they can do in the meantime is a quieter, older kind of authority: asking hard questions, summoning records, guarding the purse, and deciding who may be confirmed to office. The people who will feel this most are those paying more for energy and healthcare, and those living under expanded immigration enforcement. Whether the new majority ch
Democrats Win Congress, but Face Steep Limits on Trump Over Iran, Tariffs and Immigration
Expanded immigration enforcement and detention conditions are cited as concerns, and the ongoing Iran conflict has raised energy prices for consumers.
Prices shoot up like rockets and come down like feathers
Mark
Democrats won both chambers. Why isn't that the end of the story?
Mimi
Because they don't take control until January, and Trump has said he'll veto everything. Most bills also need 60 Senate votes.
Mark
So what do they actually have?
Mimi
Investigations, subpoenas, confirmation power and the purse. None of those need the White House to sign off.
Luke
Worth noting that the Baker and Jacquez ideas are analysts' proposals, not announced Democratic plans. Nobody has said these will happen.
Mark
The spending-bill idea seems central.
Mimi
Yes. Baker suggests attaching restored health subsidies to must-pass spending bills, which makes a veto costlier. Parsi makes a similar case about Iran war funding.
Luke
But Blessing says Democrats have historically avoided withholding military money. Whether they will here is, in the piece's own words, an open question.
Mark
And accountability?
Mimi
Blessing expects most of their energy to go there, including Trump family wealth, about $2.2bn growth per disclosures.
Luke
Yet findings may go nowhere legally, since Trump's Justice Department decides on prosecutions. And impeachment would need two-thirds of the Senate. Whether investigations change anything is unknown.
O Pulso
- Democrats hold both chambers of Congress, but the handover does not happen until January, leaving a tense stretch of lame-duck days.
- Trump has vowed to veto everything, and most bills face a 60-vote Senate filibuster hurdle that Democrats cannot clear alone.
- Oversight tools such as subpoenas, committee investigations and confirmation fights are being readied as the main way to press back without White House approval.
- Spending bills are emerging as the sharpest lever, with possible efforts to restore health subsidies, rein in Iran war funding and claw back immigration enforcement money.
- Analysts warn that any findings may stall in court or depend on a Justice Department the party does not control, so the outcome remains uncertain.
In the wake of the midterm elections, Democrats have won the power to shape American politics from the House and Senate, yet that power will not fully arrive until January, and a president who has promised to veto nearly everything still holds the pen. What they can do in the meantime is a quieter, older kind of authority: asking hard questions, summoning records, guarding the purse, and deciding who may be confirmed to office. The people who will feel this most are those paying more for energy and healthcare, and those living under expanded immigration enforcement. Whether the new majority chooses to make these tools visible or lets them quietly lapse will tell us how much of a democratic check remains when one branch is determined to act alone.
Democrats have won both chambers of Congress, but they cannot take control until January, and President Trump has already said he will veto everything. Their campaign promises ranged from lowering the cost of living to ending the war on Iran, holding Trump accountable and checking his immigration crackdown. Without Republican votes, most bills stall at the Senate filibuster, so the party is looking to other tools: confirmation power, committee investigations and control over spending.
Economists see the war with Iran as a central pressure on consumers, since the disruption in the Strait of Hormuz has pushed energy prices up. Healthcare is another flashpoint, as enhanced Affordable Care Act subsidies expired in 2025 and left many families facing higher premiums. Democrats may try to restore them through must-pass spending bills, a route that makes a veto costly for the White House. Tariff reversal is harder, but subpoenas to companies that raised prices could at least force explanations.
Investigations into Trump himself are expected to dominate, including the growth of the family's wealth and whether donors to the White House ballroom received favors. Impeachment of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has been raised, though removal would require two-thirds of the Senate. Meanwhile, analysts warn that Trump may escalate abroad before the new Congress arrives, and that continuing to fund the war could make Democrats complicit. On immigration, a majority of Americans say ICE has gone too far, and advocates urge the party to scrutinize detention and to claw back enforcement money. The first real test will be whether Democrats use the spending bills to bring these fights into the open.
Democrats won both chambers of Congress in the midterm elections, but the victory comes with a long wait and a short list of things they can do without Republican help. They do not take control until January, and President Donald Trump has already said how he plans to greet them. On a podcast on Monday he promised, "I'll veto everything."
The party campaigned on lowering the cost of living, ending the war on Iran, holding Trump accountable and pushing back on his immigration crackdown. Most bills need 60 votes to clear a Senate filibuster, and even those that pass can be vetoed. What Democrats gain are other levers: power over Senate confirmations, control of committees that can open investigations, and influence over spending.
On costs, economist Dean Baker of the Center for Economic and Policy Research says one of the most effective steps would be ending the Iran war. Since February, Iran has restricted commercial traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, a vital route for oil and gas, which has pushed energy prices up. Baker sees foreign policy as one area where some Republicans might join Democrats. Healthcare is another. Enhanced Affordable Care Act subsidies expired in 2025, leaving many Americans with higher premiums. Democrats could try to restore them and reverse Medicaid cuts by attaching them to government spending bills Congress must pass, which would make a veto harder. Baker said Republicans can make the politics such that Trump does not want to veto it.
Tariffs are harder. Reversing them would likely need enough Republican votes to override a veto, and Alex Jacquez of the Groundwork Collaborative cautioned that prices rise like rockets and fall like feathers. He pointed to a route that skips the White House: using committee gavels to subpoena executives of companies that have raised prices on goods from groceries to electricity. That might not lower prices, but it could pressure companies to explain or adjust their decisions.
Investigations of Trump himself are expected to dominate. Laura Blessing of Georgetown University's Government Affairs Institute predicts that is where Democrats will spend the most time, by a mile. Many plan to examine the sources of the Trump family's wealth, which has grown by about $2.2bn since the start of his term, according to financial disclosures released this year. The family business has expanded into cryptocurrency, drones, artificial intelligence and prediction markets. Democratic senators have already sent letters to companies and agencies demanding they preserve records. Possible topics include whether donors to Trump's White House ballroom got favourable treatment and whether the Justice Department targeted his opponents. Subpoenas could be challenged in court, and any findings would still depend on Trump's own Justice Department to pursue them.
Impeachment is a more distant prospect. Articles have been introduced against Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, including over allegations that he waged war on Iran without congressional approval. Republican Representative Thomas Massie says he will try to force a House vote when the outgoing Congress returns next week. Trump said he is "not even a little bit" worried about a third impeachment and defended Hegseth as doing "a very good job." Removal requires two-thirds of the Senate, and no president has ever been removed this way.
On Iran, Trita Parsi of the Quincy Institute warns that the weeks before the new Congress is sworn in give Trump a window to escalate, noting a pattern of becoming more reckless when facing defeat. Democrats could pursue a binding resolution under the War Powers Act of 1973, but a veto looms. Spending may be the stronger tool: the administration can keep using money already allocated, but Democrats could block additional funding. Blessing notes the party has historically avoided withholding military money for fear of being accused of undermining troops. Parsi argues inaction would leave Democrats co-owners of the war.
On immigration, a poll earlier this year found 65 percent of Americans think ICE has gone too far. Heidi Altman of the National Immigration Law Center says Democrats could investigate detention conditions, abuse allegations and spending, and claw back roughly $240bn given for enforcement over two years. She urged them to pass the bills anyway and put them on Trump's desk. The first test will be whether Democrats use the spending bills to push these fights into the open once they take their seats in January.
Citações Notáveis
It will no longer be just Trump's war. They will also co-own it, because they have the ability to stop it.— Trita Parsi, Quincy Institute
The worst possible thing we could do is throw up our hands and say we have limited power.— Heidi Altman, National Immigration Law Center
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Politics & Governance