In the two days since Israelis went to the polls, Berlin has chosen restraint, and that restraint is itself a kind of honesty: no one can yet say who will hold the Knesset's future, and Germany, bound to Israel by a history it cannot set aside, prefers to wait rather than judge. Netanyahu's bloc leads, yet neither camp can command a majority, so the country stands in the uncertain interval that every democracy knows before a government takes shape. Within that interval the question that matters most may be who the Arab-majority parties choose to stand beside, and the people of Gaza, facing a w
Berlin Holds Back on Israeli Election Result as Coalition Math Stays Unclear
About 3,000 Palestinians were driven from their homes during a major Israeli military operation near Hebron, and settler attacks in the West Bank are rising.
Winter is coming in Gaza, and aid cannot wait for coalition talks.
Mark
Why is Berlin saying so little?
Mimi
Because nobody knows who will govern. Netanyahu's bloc leads Eisenkot's, but neither has a clear majority, so a comment now could look like picking a side.
Luke
Worth noting that the silence is a spokesperson declining to comment, not a policy statement. What Berlin actually thinks is only visible in what individual politicians say.
Mark
And what are they saying?
Mimi
Wadephul says Germany will work with any government. Hardt of the CDU hopes for a centrist one, and Berlin would like Smotrich's kind of politician out.
Luke
Careful, though. Hardt is one CDU foreign policy voice, and the source frames the hope as Germany's in general. The government's formal position is the Wadephul line.
Mark
Why does Gaza come up in an election story?
Mimi
Alabali Radovan says winter will be hard and aid cannot wait for coalition talks. Long negotiations could stall that.
Luke
She's the one making that link. The reporting doesn't say aid has been delayed yet, only that it could be.
Mark
What about the Arab-majority parties?
Mimi
They gained a lot and could be kingmakers. Ra'am says it would work with Eisenkot.
Luke
But Eisenkot hasn't said he'd accept that, and Hardt's minority government idea is his view of what's conceivable, not a reported plan.
El Pulso
- Neither Netanyahu's right-wing bloc nor Eisenkot's opposition can yet see a clear road to a Knesset majority.
- Arab-majority parties, with their historic gains, have become the unpredictable hinge on which any coalition may turn.
- Berlin is publicly silent while privately working its ambassador's channels and voicing hopes for a government without religious extremists.
- A large military operation near Hebron has displaced around 3,000 Palestinians, and settler attacks in the West Bank are climbing.
- Humanitarian aid to Gaza faces a difficult winter, and German officials warn it cannot wait for coalition talks to finish.
In the two days since Israelis went to the polls, Berlin has chosen restraint, and that restraint is itself a kind of honesty: no one can yet say who will hold the Knesset's future, and Germany, bound to Israel by a history it cannot set aside, prefers to wait rather than judge. Netanyahu's bloc leads, yet neither camp can command a majority, so the country stands in the uncertain interval that every democracy knows before a government takes shape. Within that interval the question that matters most may be who the Arab-majority parties choose to stand beside, and the people of Gaza, facing a winter that will not wait for coalition talks, are the ones for whom the delay is most costly.
Two days after Israelis voted, the German government said very little, and at Wednesday's press conference in Berlin that silence was made official. A spokesperson for Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul declined to comment on the outcome, because it remains unclear who will lead Israel's next government. Netanyahu's right-wing bloc, which includes religious hardliners, is ahead of the opposition led by former military chief Gadi Eisenkot, but neither has a clear route to a Knesset majority, and forming a coalition is expected to be very hard.
Berlin has nonetheless been in contact with Israeli officials and politicians through its ambassador. Wadephul stressed that the two countries are bound together by history, and that Germany will work as well as it can with whatever government emerges. That tie is complicated by recent friction. After a large Israeli operation near Hebron, which drove around 3,000 Palestinians from their homes, Wadephul said Israel must also protect Palestinian rights under international law. Germany still does not plan to recognize a Palestinian state.
The most pressing concern is humanitarian. Development Minister Reem Alabali Radovan warned that winter is coming to Gaza and that aid groups need more room to work, a need that cannot wait for coalition talks. She also condemned the rising violence of settlers against Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, noting that the caretaker Netanyahu government still has a duty to act.
German politicians are voicing hopes for a more moderate government. The Arab-majority parties, led by Palestinian citizens of Israel, may now hold the balance of power. Netanyahu has ruled out working with them, and Eisenkot's bloc has not said whether it will. Some in Berlin see a minority government backed by those parties as possible. The Green Party's Omid Nouripour called the result good news for Israeli democracy after years of turmoil over judicial reform. What comes next is whether Eisenkot courts those parties, and how long the talks take while Gaza's winter draws near.
Two days after Israelis voted, the German government has said very little about the result, and at Wednesday's regular government press conference in Berlin that silence was made official. Martin Giese, spokesperson for Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul, declined to comment on the outcome. The reason is simple: it is still not clear who will lead Israel's next government.
The numbers explain the caution. The right-wing bloc of incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which includes religious hardliners, is ahead of the opposition bloc led by former military chief Gadi Eisenkot. But neither has a clear path to a governing majority in the Knesset, and assembling a coalition is expected to be extremely difficult.
Giese did stress that Germany has been in touch with numerous officials and politicians in Israel through its ambassador. Wadephul put the official line this way: the Jewish state and Germany are inextricably linked by their history, and Berlin will do everything it can to work well with any future government.
That sentence sits against a more complicated backdrop. Relations between the two countries are traditionally close, rooted in Germany's historical responsibility for the Nazi murder of millions of Jews. Lately, though, the German government has put some distance between itself and Netanyahu's policies, at least in public rhetoric. After a major Israeli military operation near Hebron, which followed the reported killing of two Israeli soldiers by Palestinians and drove around 3,000 Palestinians from their homes, Wadephul said Israel is clearly obligated under international law to protect the rights of Palestinians as well. Berlin has long speculated about whether its Israel policy would shift after the 2026 election. One point is settled for now: unlike numerous other countries, including some in Europe, Germany does not intend to recognize a Palestinian state for the time being.
The most urgent worry is humanitarian. Development Minister Reem Alabali Radovan, visiting Lebanon, told Politico that winter is coming in Gaza and it will be difficult. She said aid organizations need more room to deliver crucial assistance, and that this cannot wait for coalition talks to finish. In interviews with DW and RTL she also raised the recent rise in attacks by Israeli settlers on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. The radical settler violence must be stopped, she said, and because the Netanyahu government remains in office on an interim basis, it still has to act. All settlement activity in the occupied Palestinian territories is illegal under international law.
German politicians are also voicing hopes about the shape of the next government. Jürgen Hardt, foreign policy expert for the conservative CDU in the Bundestag, told DW it would be best for Israel to have a government closer to the center, though he acknowledged that is for Israelis and their elected politicians to work out. Berlin would like to see an end to the presence of religious extremists, and in some cases far-right figures, such as Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.
The pivotal variable may be the Arab-majority parties led by Palestinian citizens of Israel, which made large gains. They are usually counted in the opposition camp, and their historic results could make them kingmakers. Netanyahu's bloc has ruled out working with them. Eisenkot's bloc has not said whether it would. One of those parties, United Arab List/Ra'am, fielded a Jewish candidate and has said it is willing to work with Eisenkot's bloc to unseat Netanyahu. Hardt considers a minority government led by Eisenkot and backed by parties representing Arab Israelis conceivable. He argued that Netanyahu's big campaign aimed mainly at Arab Israelis energized the opposition so much that his camp lost its majority.
Omid Nouripour, Green Party vice president of the Bundestag, told DW that after the turmoil of recent years, including over judicial reform, the result is good news for Israeli democracy. What to watch now is whether Eisenkot's bloc decides to court the Arab-majority parties, and how long the talks take while Gaza's winter approaches.
Citas Notables
The Jewish state and Germany are inextricably linked by our history, and we will do everything we can to work well with any future government.— Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul
The radical settler violence must be stopped.— Development Minister Reem Alabali Radovan
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