ASEAN Positioned to Seize Opportunities Amid Global Power Shift

A fragmenting world can still sustain cooperation if the region remains cohesive
The central challenge facing ASEAN as geopolitical rivalries intensify and economic blocs harden.
Mark

Why does ASEAN's position matter so much right now? It's one region among many.

Mimi

Because ASEAN sits at the intersection of every major power's interests. When the global order shifts, the pressure on ASEAN intensifies. If the region fractures, it becomes a proxy battleground. If it holds together, it can actually shape what comes next.

Mark

But how do you hold together when your members have different interests? Vietnam and Thailand don't see China the same way.

Mimi

That's exactly the tension. The dual-track strategy is real—countries are deepening ties with multiple partners simultaneously. It's not stable forever, but it buys time and space for ASEAN to develop its own institutional strength.

Mark

The experts mentioned not copying the EU model. Why not? Deep integration seems safer.

Mimi

Because ASEAN is not Europe. The countries are more diverse, more wary of surrendering sovereignty, and at different stages of development. Practical cooperation on trade and climate and connectivity works better than trying to build a political union that probably can't hold.

Mark

What's the real risk if ASEAN fails to stay cohesive?

Mimi

The region becomes a series of bilateral relationships with major powers instead of a collective voice. Each country negotiates alone, weaker. The multipolar world becomes a zero-sum competition rather than a genuinely pluralistic one.

Mark

And the opportunity?

Mimi

If ASEAN stays together and strategic, it can actually shape the rules of the emerging order. It can insist on openness, on respect for smaller nations, on cooperation on transnational problems. That's not nothing.

  • The old certainties of Western dominance are dissolving faster than new frameworks can replace them, leaving ASEAN exposed to intensifying US-China rivalry, supply chain disruptions, and accelerating climate pressures all at once.
  • The temptation to align with one major power for security or economic gain threatens to fracture the bloc's internal cohesion — the very asset that gives ASEAN its collective weight.
  • Experts in Bangkok are urging a deliberate 'dual-track' strategy: deepening ties with China, the US, Japan, and India simultaneously while refusing full alignment with any, a posture that is pragmatic but demands extraordinary diplomatic discipline.
  • The region is being pushed to accelerate its own internal mechanisms — faster cross-border responses to climate change, pandemic threats, and digital disruption — because external partners cannot be relied upon to fill those gaps.
  • ASEAN's trajectory toward 2045 hinges on whether it can broaden economic partnerships into emerging markets across Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, reducing dependence on a shrinking circle of wealthy democracies.

As the architecture of Western-led global order shows its age, ten nations bound by geography and careful diplomacy find themselves at the center of a historic reorganization. Scholars and former diplomats gathered in Bangkok this week to consider whether ASEAN might transform the anxiety of a multipolar transition into something constructive — a more genuinely pluralistic world order shaped by many civilizations rather than commanded by one. The question they posed is ancient in its form: how does a smaller collective preserve its integrity and agency when great powers compete for its allegiance?

The world is reorganizing itself, and Southeast Asia occupies an unusually consequential position within that upheaval. At a seminar in Bangkok this week, scholars and former diplomats gathered to ask what the erosion of Western dominance means for ASEAN — the ten-nation bloc sitting at the intersection of every major power's ambitions.

International relations scholar Amitav Acharya offered a reframing that cut against the prevailing anxiety. The decline of Western primacy, he argued, need not be read as civilizational collapse. It creates space for something more genuinely pluralistic — a world order shaped by contributions from multiple civilizations rather than imposed by one. Principles like interdependence, free trade, and sovereignty have become globally owned, not Western property. The real question is whether the transition can be navigated constructively.

For ASEAN, that navigation is the central challenge. Piti Srisangnam of the ASEAN Foundation described the moment as one of genuine uncertainty, with geopolitical rivalries intensifying and digital transformation reshaping economies overnight. His counsel: resist the instinct to hunker down, and instead anchor the region in openness and cooperative frameworks — cohesion precisely when fragmentation is the easier path.

Several experts noted that ASEAN nations are already pursuing a dual-track strategy — deepening ties with China, the United States, Japan, and India while resisting full alignment with any single power. It is pragmatic, but precarious, requiring constant diplomatic balancing. Former Thai foreign ministry adviser Arthayudh Srisamoot cautioned against chasing the EU's model of deep political integration, urging instead a focus on practical connectivity, unified regional positions, and faster mechanisms to address transnational threats like climate change and pandemic preparedness.

The economic dimension is equally urgent. Traditional partners in the West and Japan will remain important, but ASEAN's future depends on broadening toward China, India, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America — markets and sources of investment the region cannot afford to ignore. For China specifically, Acharya suggested an opportunity to act as a constructive bridge between the existing order and an emerging multipolar one, contributing ideas to global governance rather than simply projecting influence. Whether that role is embraced remains open. What is clear is that ASEAN's capacity to shape its own future rests on both how major powers choose to behave — and whether the region can hold together long enough to seize what disruption makes possible.

The world is reorganizing itself, and Southeast Asia finds itself in an unusually consequential position. The old architecture—built on Western dominance and Cold War certainties—is cracking. In its place, something messier and more multipolar is emerging. At a seminar in Bangkok this week, scholars and former diplomats gathered to ask what this means for ASEAN, the ten-nation bloc that sits at the intersection of every major power's interests.

Amitav Acharya, an international relations scholar at American University, offered a reframing that ran counter to much of the anxious commentary about geopolitical decline. The erosion of Western dominance, he argued, does not signal civilizational collapse. Instead, it creates space for something different: a world order built on contributions from multiple civilizations rather than imposed by a single one. Interdependence, free trade, respect for sovereignty—these principles, often described as Western inventions, have become genuinely global. The question is not whether the West will maintain its grip, but whether the transition can produce something more genuinely pluralistic.

For ASEAN, this framing matters enormously. The region has always been caught between larger powers. Now, with the United States and China competing for influence, with India rising, with Russia and Europe all seeking leverage, ASEAN faces a choice about how to navigate without being pulled apart. Acharya posed the central problem sharply: Can a fragmenting world still sustain cooperation? How can Southeast Asian nations maintain strategic autonomy without being forced to choose sides?

Piti Srisangnam, who leads the ASEAN Foundation, described the current moment as one of genuine uncertainty. Geopolitical rivalries are intensifying. Supply chains are being redrawn. Climate disruptions are accelerating. Digital transformation is reshaping economies overnight. The instinct, he suggested, is to resist or to hunker down. Instead, ASEAN's best strategy is to anchor itself in openness, inclusivity, and cooperative frameworks—to remain cohesive precisely when fragmentation is the easier path.

But maintaining that cohesion while pursuing individual economic interests is harder than it sounds. Several experts noted that ASEAN countries are increasingly pursuing what might be called a dual-track strategy: deepening ties with major partners—China, the United States, Japan, India—while resisting full alignment with any single power. Some countries are pursuing market access and investment from multiple sources simultaneously. This is pragmatic but also precarious. It requires constant diplomatic balancing.

Arthayudh Srisamoot, a former Thai foreign ministry adviser, argued that ASEAN should not try to replicate the European Union's model of deep political integration. Instead, the bloc should focus on practical connectivity, on expanding intra-regional trade, and on presenting unified positions on regional frameworks like the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Equally important, ASEAN needs faster mechanisms to address problems that cross borders: climate change, environmental degradation, pandemic preparedness. These are not optional concerns. They will define whether the region thrives or merely survives.

The economic dimension is equally critical. The traditional markets—the United States, Europe, Japan—will remain important. But ASEAN's future depends on broadening its partnerships. China, Russia, India, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America: these emerging partners represent both markets and sources of investment and technical expertise. The region cannot afford to remain dependent on a handful of wealthy democracies.

For China specifically, Acharya suggested, the changing world order presents both responsibility and opportunity. Rather than simply extracting resources or imposing its model, China could serve as a constructive bridge between the existing international order and an emerging, more pluralistic one. This would mean not just infrastructure projects, but contributing ideas to global governance, supporting humanitarian efforts, and expanding participation in multilateral institutions. Whether China will embrace this role remains an open question. What is clear is that ASEAN's ability to shape its own future depends partly on how the major powers choose to behave, and partly on whether the region can maintain the unity and strategic clarity to seize the opportunities that disruption creates.

The decline of Western dominance is inevitable and not synonymous with the end of Western civilization.
— Amitav Acharya, American University
Rather than resisting change, we anchor our resilience in openness, inclusivity, and cooperative frameworks.
— Piti Srisangnam, ASEAN Foundation
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