In the mountains and coastal cities of Yemen, a war that has long been defined by Saudi air dominance is showing signs of a deeper reckoning. The kingdom's missile interceptors are running thin, its fighter jets may now be vulnerable, and the United States finds itself in the uncomfortable position of arming one side while quietly speaking to the other. What unfolds in Oman's diplomatic corridors and over Marib's skies may determine whether this conflict finds an exit or deepens into a new and more dangerous chapter.
Yemen conflict escalates as US backs Saudis while Houthis claim fighter jet kill
Saudi air superiority has been nearly unopposed. If that changes, everything shifts.
So Saudi Arabia is asking other countries for air-defence help. What does that actually mean they're running out of?
Missile interceptors—the systems that shoot down incoming drones and missiles. The Houthis have been launching attacks constantly, and Saudi Arabia has been using up its stock faster than it can replace them.
But we should note: the claim about the F-15 comes from the Houthis themselves. Al Jazeera's correspondent says it "could very well mean" a shift in power, but that's analysis, not confirmation. Has anyone independently verified the jet was actually shot down?
That's fair. The claim is significant because if it's true, it breaks a pattern. Saudi air superiority has been almost total.
And the US is talking to both sides at the same time?
Yes. Supporting the Saudi-backed government officially, but holding direct talks with the Houthis in Oman about not attacking American ships.
Which makes sense diplomatically—you maintain relationships with both sides to keep channels open. But it's worth noting that the US is also helping deplete its own interceptor stocks by supporting the Saudi campaign. That's a real cost.
So what happens if Saudi Arabia runs out of interceptors?
Then the coalition loses its main advantage. The Houthis could operate more freely.
And we don't know how long the current supplies will last or how quickly they can be replaced. That's still an open question.
El Pulso
- Saudi Arabia's air superiority — the foundation of its Yemen strategy for years — is cracking as interceptor stockpiles run low and the kingdom turns to France, Pakistan, Egypt, and Britain for emergency support.
- The Houthis claim to have shot down a Saudi F-15 over Marib with a locally made surface-to-air missile, a development that, if confirmed, would fundamentally rewrite the military calculus of the war.
- Forty coalition air strikes in a single day across Taiz, Marib, and Hodeidah signal an intensifying campaign even as the coalition's capacity to sustain it comes under question.
- The United States is walking a razor's edge — publicly declaring solidarity with Yemen's internationally recognised government while holding direct talks with Houthi representatives at its embassy in Muscat.
- Thousands of Yemenis are fleeing the violence, with displacement camps in Taiz overwhelmed and a growing exodus spilling across the water into Djibouti.
- The Houthis told US officials they would not target American vessels and remain committed to a 2025 ceasefire — a signal that diplomatic off-ramps exist, even as the fighting intensifies on the ground.
In the mountains and coastal cities of Yemen, a war that has long been defined by Saudi air dominance is showing signs of a deeper reckoning. The kingdom's missile interceptors are running thin, its fighter jets may now be vulnerable, and the United States finds itself in the uncomfortable position of arming one side while quietly speaking to the other. What unfolds in Oman's diplomatic corridors and over Marib's skies may determine whether this conflict finds an exit or deepens into a new and more dangerous chapter.
The war in Yemen is entering a more dangerous phase, and the arithmetic that has long favoured the Saudi-led coalition is beginning to shift. For years, Riyadh's dominance rested on air power — the ability to strike with relative impunity while Houthi forces on the ground had little means to respond in kind. That advantage is now under pressure. Saudi Arabia's stocks of missile interceptors are depleting faster than they can be replaced, and the kingdom has begun reaching out to France, Pakistan, Egypt, and Britain for air-defence support. The United States, its primary arms supplier, is facing the same shortage.
The Houthis have been testing this vulnerability with persistence. In a single twenty-four-hour period, the group's military spokesman announced that Saudi warplanes had conducted forty strikes across Taiz, Marib, and Hodeidah — and that Houthi forces had responded by targeting a Saudi airbase and an oil facility in Yanbu. Most significantly, the group claimed to have shot down a Saudi F-15 fighter jet over Marib using a locally produced surface-to-air missile. If verified, it would mark a meaningful erosion of the coalition's most decisive military asset.
While the fighting intensifies, Washington is attempting a delicate balancing act. The top US diplomat for Yemen reaffirmed American support for the internationally recognised Yemeni government, and the US embassy issued a statement condemning Iran-backed Houthi aggression. Yet over the same weekend, American officials met directly with Houthi representatives at the US embassy in Muscat, with Omani mediation. The Houthis reportedly told US officials they had no intention of attacking American ships and remained committed to a 2025 ceasefire agreement — a signal that diplomatic channels, however strained, remain open.
On the ground, the human toll continues to mount. Displacement camps in Taiz are overflowing, and thousands more Yemenis have crossed into Djibouti seeking safety. Coalition-backed forces have struck Houthi positions near Mocha and launched drone attacks in Marib, but the Houthis show no sign of retreat. If their claim about the downed fighter jet holds, the strategic picture shifts considerably — and the question of how long any side can sustain this war becomes far more urgent.
The war in Yemen is entering a new phase of intensity, and the arithmetic of conflict is shifting in ways that alarm the coalition trying to contain it. Saudi Arabia, which has relied on overwhelming air superiority for years, is running short on the missiles that make that superiority work. The kingdom has begun asking France, Pakistan, Egypt, and Britain to send air-defence support—a public acknowledgment that its own stocks of interceptors are depleting faster than they can be replenished. The United States, Saudi Arabia's primary weapons supplier, is facing the same problem. American interceptor inventories have thinned over the course of the conflict, according to officials who spoke to the Associated Press.
This vulnerability matters because the Houthis, the Iran-backed militia that controls much of northern Yemen, have been testing it relentlessly. On Wednesday, the group's military spokesman Yahya Saree announced that Saudi warplanes had conducted forty air strikes across Taiz, Marib, and Hodeidah in the previous twenty-four hours. In response, the Houthis said they targeted the Khamis Mushait airbase and an oil facility in the Saudi Red Sea port city of Yanbu. More significantly, they claimed to have shot down a Saudi F-15 fighter jet over Marib using what they described as a locally made surface-to-air missile. If true, the claim would represent a meaningful shift. Saudi Arabia's dominance in Yemen has rested on its ability to conduct air strikes with relative impunity. A fighter jet loss suggests that advantage is eroding.
Meanwhile, the United States is conducting a careful diplomatic balancing act that reflects the complexity of the conflict. On Wednesday, the top American diplomat for Yemen, Neil Hop, told Yemen's Foreign Minister Afrah al-Zouba that the US maintained strong support for Yemen's internationally recognised government. The US embassy in Sanaa released a statement saying the country stood in solidarity with the Yemeni government against what it called Iran-backed Houthi aggression. Yet at the same time, American officials held direct talks with Houthi representatives in Oman over the weekend, meeting at the US embassy in Muscat with Omani assistance. According to sources who spoke to Reuters, the Houthis told US officials they had no intention of attacking American vessels and remained committed to a 2025 ceasefire agreement with the United States.
The US Central Command spokesman Tim Hawkins told Al Jazeera that the military was closely monitoring the situation and noted the longstanding relationship between the US and Saudi Arabia. He did not address the contradiction inherent in simultaneously backing one side while negotiating with the other, or the fact that American interceptor stocks were being depleted by the very conflict the US was helping to sustain.
On the ground, the fighting has displaced thousands of Yemenis. Camps in Taiz are overflowing with people fleeing the violence, and thousands more have crossed into Djibouti seeking safety. The Yemeni government's forces, backed by the coalition, said they had struck Houthi positions around the southwestern port city of Mocha and conducted drone attacks on Houthi forces in Marib. The Houthis, for their part, have shown no sign of backing down. The claim about the downed fighter jet, if verified, would signal that the group has developed or acquired capabilities that could fundamentally alter how the war is fought. For years, Saudi air power has been nearly unopposed. If that changes, the entire strategic picture shifts—and the question of how long the coalition can sustain the campaign becomes urgent.
Citas Notables
The downing of Saudi fighter jets could very well mean a change in the balance of power, as Saudi Arabia depends heavily on its ability to carry out air strikes against Houthi positions.— Al Jazeera Yemen correspondent Yousef Mawry
The United States stands in solidarity with the Yemen government and its people against Iran-backed Houthi aggression.— US embassy in Yemen, citing top US diplomat Neil Hop