Victoria launches broad royal commission into construction corruption, no limits on inquiry

Construction workers exploited through wage theft, sham contracting, and safety breaches; vulnerable workers robbed of pay and exposed to workplace risks.
Nothing is off limits to this inquiry into what happened on our building sites.
Premier Ben Carroll announcing the royal commission's broad scope and the commissioner's power to call anyone to testify.
Mark

Why did Carroll move so quickly on this? It seems like he barely had time to settle into the job.

Mimi

Because the previous premier had resisted it, and that resistance had fractured the party. Carroll needed to signal immediately that things were changing. The inquiry itself had been brewing for months—journalists and whistleblowers had been reporting on CFMEU corruption since 2024. By the time Carroll took office, the pressure was immense.

Mark

But Newbury's right about the timing, isn't it? Calling a royal commission weeks before an election looks strategic.

Mimi

It does look strategic. But the alternative—waiting until after the election—would have looked like he was trying to bury it. And the commission won't report until August 2027, well after the election anyway. So the timing of the announcement and the timing of the findings are different things.

Mark

What's the real power here? Is it the $50 million, or the coercive powers?

Mimi

The coercive powers. Kourakis can compel cabinet documents and force people to testify. That's what makes it a royal commission rather than just an inquiry. He can call premiers, ministers, union leaders—anyone. And they can't refuse without legal consequences.

Mark

The CFMEU administrator says misconduct isn't confined to the union. Is he deflecting, or is that actually true?

Mimi

Probably both. It's true—developers and contractors have clearly been involved. But yes, he's also trying to spread the blame. The union has been the public face of the scandal, so of course he wants the spotlight on the entire industry.

Mark

What happens to the workers in all this?

Mimi

That's the question the commission will have to answer. Wage theft, sham contracting, safety breaches—these aren't abstract problems. They're workers who didn't get paid, who were misclassified, who were put in unsafe conditions. The commission can investigate how that happened and whether funds can be recouped, but it can't undo what was done to those workers.

  • Years of alleged wage theft, sham contracting, safety breaches, and institutional corruption on Victorian building sites have finally forced a formal public reckoning.
  • The inquiry's sweeping scope — covering the CFMEU, construction companies, labour hire firms, and government oversight bodies — signals that no corner of the industry will be shielded from scrutiny.
  • Political tension crackles around the commission's timing, with the opposition demanding former premiers Jacinta Allan and Daniel Andrews be publicly summoned just weeks before a state election.
  • Premier Carroll insists the decision to call any witness, including former ministers, rests solely with Commissioner Kourakis — a deliberate distancing designed to protect the inquiry's independence.
  • Parallel legislation to empower a special prosecutor and expand anti-corruption follow-the-money powers is being fast-tracked through parliament before the government enters caretaker mode.
  • The commission is now open for business, with Kourakis pledging to follow the evidence fairly and transparently — and a state watching to see whether that promise holds.

In the long arc of democratic accountability, moments arrive when a society must turn its gaze inward and examine what has been permitted to flourish in the shadows of public trust. Victoria's new premier Ben Carroll has initiated such a moment, establishing a royal commission into corruption, exploitation, and misconduct across taxpayer-funded construction projects — an inquiry led by former South Australian chief justice Chris Kourakis, armed with coercive powers, a $50 million mandate, and a year to follow the evidence wherever it leads. The commission's reach extends to union officials, corporate executives, government departments, and former premiers alike, signalling that the reckoning will not be managed from above but pursued from within. What emerges may redefine not only how Victoria builds its infrastructure, but how it understands the obligations that come with spending public money.

Victoria's new premier Ben Carroll stood before reporters on a Thursday morning and declared that nothing would be off limits. The governor had signed the letters patent establishing a royal commission into construction sector corruption — an inquiry Carroll said would pursue allegations of grift, thuggery, misogyny, and violence that had long festered on taxpayer-funded building sites.

Leading the investigation is Chris Kourakis, former chief justice of South Australia, described by Carroll as independent, rigorous, and fearless. Kourakis holds coercive powers to compel documents — including cabinet papers — and to summon witnesses. His budget is $50 million and his deadline is August 2027. The commission's formal name reflects its ambition: the Royal Commission into the Integrity of Major Public and Civil Infrastructure Construction Projects in Victoria.

The inquiry will examine the CFMEU, construction companies, subcontractors, labour hire firms, and government oversight bodies. It will also consider whether misappropriated taxpayer funds can be recovered. Carroll was explicit that decisions about who testifies — ministers, union leaders, company executives, former premiers — belong entirely to the commissioner, not to his government.

The opposition moved quickly to exploit the political terrain, with shadow attorney general James Newbury demanding Carroll guarantee that both Jacinta Allan and Daniel Andrews would appear before the November election. Carroll rejected the framing. The commission, he said, was about the future of the state and the value of public money — not electoral positioning. His announcement of the inquiry had in fact been his first act as premier, made almost immediately after assuming office following Allan's sudden resignation, itself the product of internal Labor pressure from MPs who had grown frustrated with her resistance to a royal commission.

Michael Crosby, the CFMEU's administrator, pledged full cooperation but urged the commission to look beyond the union — at developers, head contractors, and labour hire operators who had profited from wage theft, phoenixing schemes, and the exploitation of vulnerable workers for years.

Carroll also announced a special prosecutor to work alongside the commission, and enhanced follow-the-money powers for the state's anti-corruption body. Both measures require legislation the government committed to passing before entering caretaker mode. Kourakis, in a brief statement, acknowledged the weight ahead. The inquiry would begin its work in a state still coming to terms with what had been permitted to occur — and with no predetermined limits on where the truth might lead.

Victoria's new premier Ben Carroll stood before reporters on Thursday morning and made a declaration that would reshape how the state examines one of its most consequential failures: nothing would be off limits. Hours earlier, the governor had signed the letters patent formally establishing a royal commission into construction sector corruption—an inquiry Carroll said would pursue allegations of grift, thuggery, misogyny, and violence that had festered on taxpayer-funded building sites.

Chris Kourakis, the former chief justice of South Australia, would lead the investigation. Carroll described him as independent, rigorous, and fearless—qualities that would matter enormously given what lay ahead. Kourakis had been granted coercive powers to compel documents, including cabinet papers, and to summon witnesses. He had a $50 million budget and until August 20, 2027, to complete his work. The formal name was deliberately comprehensive: the Royal Commission into the Integrity of Major Public and Civil Infrastructure Construction Projects in Victoria.

The inquiry's scope was sweeping. It would examine whether the Construction, Forestry and Maritime Employees Union, construction companies, subcontractors, labour hire firms, and others had engaged in corruption, criminal conduct, or serious misconduct on major Victorian projects. It would also scrutinize whether government departments and project delivery agencies had properly overseen these works. Crucially, the commission could investigate whether misappropriated taxpayer funds might be recouped. Carroll made clear that decisions about who would be called to testify—ministers, former ministers, senior officials, union leaders, company executives—would rest entirely with the commissioner, not with him or his government.

When pressed, Carroll confirmed that former premiers could be summoned. He also confirmed that legal representation for former ministers and premiers would be publicly funded, a decision he characterized as standard procedure. The shadow attorney general, James Newbury, immediately seized on this, demanding Carroll guarantee that both his predecessor Jacinta Allan and former premier Daniel Andrews would be called before the November election. Newbury also attacked the timing, calling the commission a political fix announced just weeks before voters went to the polls.

Carroll rejected the charge. "This is about the future of our state and valuing taxpayer dollars," he said. The inquiry had been his first act as premier three weeks earlier, announced almost immediately after he assumed office following Allan's sudden resignation. That resignation itself had been precipitated by internal party pressure—several Labor MPs had joined a cross-factional group urging Carroll to challenge Allan for the leadership after she had resisted calls for a royal commission, putting her at odds with her own caucus.

Michael Crosby, the administrator now overseeing the CFMEU, said the union would fully cooperate. But he pushed back against any suggestion that misconduct was confined to the union alone. He urged the commission to examine developers, head contractors, subcontractors, labour hire operators, and anyone else who had profited from unlawful or unethical behaviour. For years, Crosby noted, the CFMEU had been calling out wage theft, sham contracting, phoenixing schemes, safety breaches, and the exploitation of vulnerable workers—practices that robbed workers of their pay, endangered lives, and undercut honest businesses.

Carroll announced that a special prosecutor would be appointed to work alongside the royal commission, and that the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would be given enhanced follow-the-money powers. Both initiatives required legislation, which the government committed to introducing before entering caretaker mode ahead of the election. Parliament would sit for additional days to accommodate the process.

Kourakis, in a brief statement, acknowledged the weight of his responsibility. "We will follow the evidence and ensure our processes are fair, thorough, and transparent," he said. The inquiry would begin its work in a state still reckoning with the scale of what had occurred on its building sites—a reckoning that would now unfold in public, with no predetermined boundaries on where the investigation might lead.

There was grift, there was thuggery, there was misogyny, and there was violence on taxpayer-funded construction sites. I have zero tolerance for that.
— Premier Ben Carroll
The CFMEU has been calling out wage theft, sham contracting, phoenixing, safety breaches and the exploitation of vulnerable workers for years now. These practices rob workers of their pay, put lives at risk and undermine honest businesses doing the right thing.
— Michael Crosby, CFMEU administrator
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