In the corridors of a US embassy in Oman, American officials and Houthi leaders reached a quiet understanding — one that would leave Saudi Arabia to face its adversaries largely alone. The Trump administration, already entangled in conflict with Iran, chose a narrow exemption over a broader commitment: American ships would pass freely through the Red Sea, while Saudi vessels would not. What looks like restraint from Washington is, in the longer arc of history, a realignment of alliances in one of the world's most consequential waterways — where the interests of great powers now converge with t
US signals shift in Yemen, holds talks with Houthis over Red Sea shipping
A kind of tacit understanding had been struck
So the US basically told Saudi Arabia it wasn't going to fight the Houthis anymore. Is that what happened?
Not quite. The US didn't announce a policy shift. What happened was quieter—officials met with Houthi leaders and came away with assurances that American shipping would be safe. That allowed the administration to avoid committing military resources to help Saudi Arabia.
But we should be clear: this is based on what the Houthis said in a meeting. We don't have independent confirmation that they'll actually honor that distinction between American and Saudi vessels.
True. But the fact that the US chose not to intervene after the meeting suggests they found the assurances credible enough to act on.
Why would the Houthis agree to spare American ships? What's in it for them?
They're focused on Saudi Arabia, which they see as blockading Yemen. American ships aren't part of that fight. And from their perspective, keeping the US out of the conflict is strategically valuable.
We should also note that the US labeled the Houthis a foreign terrorist entity in March 2025, but has been meeting with Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran officials too. So there's a pattern here of pragmatic engagement despite the designations.
What does this do to the US-Saudi relationship?
It puts Saudi Arabia in a bind. They expected American military support and didn't get it. Now they're scrambling to either negotiate with the Houthis or build an alliance with Pakistan and Turkey.
And Israel is apparently offering to help, which adds another layer. But we should be careful about the leaked military meeting—it's based on unnamed Israeli officials, so we don't have full clarity on what was actually discussed.
Is this sustainable? Can the US really just stay out of this?
That's the question. The Houthis control more territory now, oil prices are over $100 a barrel, and a Saudi pipeline is closed. The pressure to intervene could build.
And China and Russia are both moving pieces on the board too. This isn't just a US-Saudi-Houthi triangle anymore.
Il Polso
- Houthi forces seized major stretches of Yemen's Red Sea coast in a lightning offensive, upending years of Saudi military effort and forcing an urgent reassessment of American commitments in the region.
- Secret talks in Muscat produced a fragile bargain: the US would withhold military support from Saudi Arabia in exchange for Houthi assurances that American shipping would be spared — a deal that isolates Riyadh and emboldens the militants.
- Saudi Arabia now faces a stark choice between negotiating with the Houthis over Yemen's future or assembling a regional coalition with Pakistan and Turkey, even as a disputed drone strike near Mecca inflames religious and diplomatic tensions worldwide.
- A leaked secret military meeting in Germany — gathering chiefs of staff from Israel, Saudi Arabia, and six Gulf states — signals that a broader regional military architecture is quietly forming around the Yemen crisis.
- With oil above $100 a barrel, the Strait of Hormuz contested, and China pressing for a settlement to protect its Iranian oil supply, the Red Sea corridor has become the pressure point where Washington, Tehran, Beijing, Riyadh, and Tel Aviv are all pulling in different directions.
In the corridors of a US embassy in Oman, American officials and Houthi leaders reached a quiet understanding — one that would leave Saudi Arabia to face its adversaries largely alone. The Trump administration, already entangled in conflict with Iran, chose a narrow exemption over a broader commitment: American ships would pass freely through the Red Sea, while Saudi vessels would not. What looks like restraint from Washington is, in the longer arc of history, a realignment of alliances in one of the world's most consequential waterways — where the interests of great powers now converge with the grievances of a militant movement that has outlasted every prediction of its defeat.
Over the weekend, American officials met with Houthi leaders at the US embassy in Muscat and came away with something resembling a deal: the Iran-backed group promised to spare American vessels in the Red Sea, targeting only Saudi-linked shipping. The distinction, rooted in the Houthis' view that Saudi Arabia's blockade of Yemen justified their strikes, explains a puzzling American posture — publicly condemning the Houthi advance while refusing to send military support to Riyadh.
The timing was pointed. Houthi forces had just seized large stretches of Yemen's Red Sea coast in a swift offensive, and Saudi Arabia expected American backing to reverse the gains. Instead, Vice President JD Vance confirmed that direct contact with the Houthis was underway. Former deputy US ambassador to Yemen Nabeel Khoury described the outcome as a "tacit understanding" — one that allows Washington to avoid direct conflict with the militants while maintaining plausible distance from their campaign against the kingdom.
Left without American military support, Saudi Arabia faces a difficult path: negotiate with the Houthis over Yemen's governance, or build a regional coalition with Pakistan and Turkey. The situation grew more volatile when Saudi Arabia claimed the Houthis had fired a drone at Mecca, drawing condemnation from the UN-recognized Yemeni government, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and Pakistan's prime minister. The Houthis flatly denied it, calling the accusation "the lie of the century" and countering with claims of their own strikes on Saudi targets — none independently verified.
The crisis is drawing in powers far beyond the region. Israeli officials leaked details of a secret military meeting in Germany, organized by the head of US Central Command, that brought together military chiefs from Israel, Saudi Arabia, and six Gulf states — the first such gathering since US and Israeli operations against Iran began six months ago. At the UN Security Council, Russia began quietly shifting its position on Yemeni legitimacy. In Beijing, Iran's foreign minister discussed plans for controlling the Strait of Hormuz with his Chinese counterpart, as China — the world's largest importer of Iranian oil — resisted expanded US sanctions. With oil above $100 a barrel and a key Saudi pipeline shut, the Red Sea has become a proxy battleground where the ambitions of Washington, Riyadh, Tehran, Beijing, and Tel Aviv are converging with no clear resolution in sight.
American officials sat down with Houthi leaders over the weekend at the US embassy in Muscat, Oman, and came away with something that looked like a deal: the Iran-backed militant group promised that attacks on Red Sea shipping would spare American vessels. Only Saudi-linked cargo would be targeted, the Houthis said, a distinction rooted in their view that Saudi Arabia's blockade of Yemen justified the strikes. The meeting, now confirmed, explains a puzzling shift in the Trump administration's public posture—condemning the Houthi advance along Yemen's western coast as a threat to freedom of navigation while simultaneously refusing to send military support to Saudi Arabia.
The timing matters. Last week, Houthi forces seized large stretches of territory along the Red Sea coast in what amounted to a lightning offensive. Saudi Arabia, which has been fighting the Houthis for years, expected American backing to push them back. Instead, the US chose a different path. Vice President JD Vance confirmed on Monday that direct contact with the Houthis was happening. The decision reflects a calculation that the US is already stretched thin fighting Iran, which backs the Houthis, and that a new military commitment in Yemen would only deepen that entanglement.
Nabeel Khoury, a former deputy US ambassador to Yemen, described what emerged from the talks as a "kind of tacit understanding." The Houthis, he explained, were essentially telling Washington: American ships and international commerce will move freely through the Red Sea. Saudi vessels and Saudi oil tankers, by contrast, remain fair game. It is a narrow but consequential distinction—one that allows the US to avoid direct conflict with the militant group while maintaining plausible distance from their campaign against Riyadh.
The refusal to intervene has left Saudi Arabia in a difficult position. Without American military support, the kingdom faces a choice between pursuing diplomatic negotiations with the Houthis over Yemen's future governance or attempting to build a regional alliance with Pakistan and Turkey to mount a military response. On Tuesday, Saudi Arabia claimed that the Houthis had fired a drone at Mecca, Islam's holiest city, and that Saudi air defenses had destroyed it near the sacred shrines. The claim drew swift condemnation from the UN-recognized Yemeni government in Aden, the 57-nation Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, and Pakistan's prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, who called it a "dastardly and heinous" attack.
The Houthis rejected the accusation entirely. Their deputy foreign minister, Abdul Wahid abu Ras, dismissed it as "the lie of the century" and turned the accusation back on Saudi Arabia, accusing the kingdom of desecrating the holy sites through its own actions. The Houthi negotiating team's head, Mohammed abdul Salam, countered that his forces had shot down a Saudi F-15 fighter jet near Marib and struck an Aramco facility in the Red Sea port of Yanbu, framing these as warnings against believing Saudi propaganda. No independent verification of either claim has emerged.
Meanwhile, the geopolitical landscape is shifting in ways that extend far beyond Yemen. Israeli officials leaked details of a secret military meeting held in Germany last week, organized by the head of US Central Command, Admiral Brad Cooper. The gathering brought together military chiefs of staff from Israel, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Jordan, and Egypt—the first such coordinated meeting since the US and Israel began military operations against Iran six months ago. Israel, once a target for Houthi attacks, is now offering to intervene on Saudi Arabia's behalf in Yemen.
At the UN Security Council, Russia signaled a subtle shift in its position, beginning to move away from its previous stance that only the Aden-based government held legitimacy inside Yemen. In Beijing, Iran's foreign minister met with his Chinese counterpart to discuss plans for controlling the Strait of Hormuz, which remains closed due to competing Iranian and American blockades. China, the world's largest importer of Iranian oil, is pushing for a settlement and resisting any expansion of US secondary sanctions that would penalize countries trading with Iran. Oil prices have climbed above $100 a barrel, and a key Saudi pipeline remains shut following a bombing. The Red Sea, once a straightforward shipping corridor, has become a proxy battleground where the interests of Washington, Riyadh, Tehran, Beijing, and Tel Aviv collide.
Citazioni salienti
A kind of tacit understanding had been struck between the Trump administration and the Houthis, with promises that American and international navigation would not be affected in the Red Sea, but only Saudi ships or those carrying Saudi oil would be in danger.— Nabeel Khoury, former deputy US ambassador to Yemen
Saudi Arabia is experiencing a real predicament in Yemen. It became embroiled in a war, a siege and an occupation, and then failed to achieve its goals.— Mohammed al-Farah, Houthi political bureau member