U.S. expands third-country deportations, sending migrants to Eswatini

Five individuals deported to a country with no ties to them; eight others sent to war-torn South Sudan with unknown whereabouts; potential risks to receiving nations' populations.
off of American soil, but into what comes next remains unknown
Five men deported to Eswatini with no public agreement, no disclosed location, and no clarity on their status.
Mark

Why is the Supreme Court decision so significant here? What changed?

Mimi

Before, courts could block deportations to countries where someone had no ties. The Court removed that barrier. Now the administration can send people anywhere it negotiates with, regardless of whether they have family, citizenship, or any connection to that place.

Mark

But why would a country like Eswatini agree to this? What's in it for them?

Mimi

That's the question no one's answering publicly. Analysts think it's leverage—better trade terms, more foreign aid, easier visa access. But Eswatini's government hasn't even confirmed a deal exists. They're staying silent.

Mark

The men have criminal convictions. Are they dangerous, or is that language being used to justify something else?

Mimi

The convictions appear real—murder, child rape, gang membership. But the point is they're being sent to countries with no infrastructure to manage them, no agreement about their rights, no transparency. The danger isn't just who they are. It's the system being built around them.

Mark

What happens to these men now?

Mimi

Nobody knows. They're not named. Their legal status in these countries is unclear. They could be in detention centers, they could be released, they could disappear into systems with no oversight. That's the real story.

Mark

Is this legal?

Mimi

The Supreme Court says yes. But legality and wisdom aren't the same thing. Eswatini's own human rights groups are asking what agreement exists and whether anyone's protecting these men or the local population.

  • Thirteen men have been deported to African nations they have no connection to — five to an absolute monarchy and eight to a country still fractured by civil war — with no public accounting of where they are or what awaits them.
  • The Supreme Court's recent lifting of restrictions on third-country deportations has given the Trump administration legal clearance to expand a practice that critics warn strips individuals of any meaningful recourse or protection.
  • Eswatini's government has stayed silent about any agreement with the U.S., while a South Sudanese civil society leader openly rejected the premise, calling his country 'not a dumping ground for criminals.'
  • The administration is actively courting more African nations to join the program, with trade deals, foreign aid, and tariff negotiations serving as potential leverage in a continent-wide diplomatic push.
  • No names, no disclosed agreements, no confirmed locations — the deliberate opacity surrounding these deportations signals that the administration regards them as administrative wins rather than matters of public accountability.

In a practice once restrained by the courts, the United States has begun sending convicted migrants not to their homelands but to distant nations with which they share no history, language, or kinship — thirteen men dispatched in recent weeks to Eswatini and South Sudan under a Trump administration policy that treats geography as negotiable and belonging as irrelevant. The Supreme Court's removal of legal barriers has accelerated what the administration frames as a security triumph, though the silence from receiving governments and the invisibility of the deported men raise older, harder questions about what societies owe to those they cast out, and what they ask of those who receive them.

The Trump administration has begun acting on a long-sought strategy: deporting migrants not to their countries of origin, but to nations where they have no ties whatsoever. In the span of two weeks, thirteen men were sent this way — five to Eswatini, a small African kingdom, and eight to South Sudan, still scarred by civil war. The Supreme Court's decision to lift earlier restrictions made it possible, and the administration intends to use that opening broadly.

The Eswatini deportations were announced on a Tuesday night by Homeland Security Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin, who posted mug shots and criminal records on social media without naming the men. They are citizens of Vietnam, Jamaica, Cuba, Yemen, and Laos — countries that have long refused to accept their own nationals deported from the U.S. McLaughlin described them as 'uniquely barbaric' individuals convicted of murder, child rape, and gang activity, but disclosed nothing about where they are being held or what their legal standing is in Eswatini.

Eswatini is one of the world's last absolute monarchies, ruled by King Mswati III since 1986. Political parties are effectively banned, and human rights groups have documented violent suppression of dissent, including dozens killed during pro-democracy protests in 2021. A spokesperson for a pro-democracy group there noted the government's complete silence on any agreement with Washington, and raised a sobering practical concern: a poor nation of 1.2 million may struggle to manage individuals with serious criminal histories.

The eight men sent to South Sudan face an even deeper uncertainty. They spent weeks at a U.S. military base in Djibouti while courts weighed the legality of their transfer. The South Sudanese government has disclosed no details of its arrangement with the U.S. and has not said where the men are. A civil society leader there pushed back sharply, saying his country is not a receptacle for America's problems.

Africa has now become a focal point of this expanding policy. Leaders from five West African nations met with President Trump last week, with migration agreements on the table. Rwanda has confirmed it is in talks about hosting deportees. Nigeria has already refused. Analysts note that some governments may be willing to accept such arrangements in exchange for favorable terms on tariffs, aid, or investment — a transactional logic that leaves the deported men, and the communities receiving them, to absorb consequences that diplomats will not publicly name.

The Trump administration has begun executing a strategy that was legally blocked until recently: sending migrants to countries where they have no connection, no family, no history. In the past two weeks, the U.S. has deported thirteen men this way—five to Eswatini, a small African kingdom, and eight to South Sudan, a nation still fractured by civil war. The Supreme Court's decision to lift restrictions on such deportations has opened a door the administration intends to walk through repeatedly.

On a Tuesday night, Homeland Security Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin announced the Eswatini deportations via social media, posting mug shots and criminal records without naming the men. They are citizens of Vietnam, Jamaica, Cuba, Yemen, and Laos—countries that have historically refused to accept their own citizens when deported from America. McLaughlin described them as "uniquely barbaric" individuals convicted of murder, child rape, and gang activity. "They have been terrorizing American communities," she wrote, "but are now off of American soil." The announcement contained no details about when the men arrived, where they are being held, or what their legal status is in Eswatini.

Eswatini itself presents a stark picture. The nation of 1.2 million people, nestled between South Africa and Mozambique, is one of the world's last absolute monarchies. King Mswati III has ruled by decree since 1986, effectively banning political parties and, according to human rights groups, crushing dissent through violence. In 2021, pro-democracy protests left dozens dead, allegedly killed by security forces. The government has been accused of political assassinations and imprisonment of activists. When Ingiphile Dlamini, a spokesperson for the pro-democracy group SWALIMO, learned of the deportations, he noted the government's complete silence on any agreement with the U.S. He raised a practical concern: Eswatini is a poor country that "may face significant strain in accommodating and managing individuals with complex backgrounds, particularly those with serious criminal convictions." No one knows what will happen to the five men, where they are being detained, or what risks they might pose to the local population.

The eight men sent to South Sudan weeks earlier remain in an even deeper fog. They spent weeks at a U.S. military base in Djibouti while courts considered whether the deportation was legal. The South Sudanese government has released no details of its agreement with the U.S., has not said where the men are, and has not disclosed what will become of them. A South Sudanese civil society leader pushed back against the characterization of his country as a receptacle for American problems, saying South Sudan is "not a dumping ground for criminals." The men arrived in early July to a nation still recovering from years of internal conflict.

This is not an isolated experiment. The Trump administration has already sent hundreds of Venezuelans and others to Costa Rica, El Salvador, and Panama. But Africa is now the target. Leaders from five West African nations met with President Trump at the White House last week, and migration and potential deportation agreements were discussed. Rwanda's foreign minister told the Associated Press that talks are underway about hosting deported migrants. Nigeria, which was not part of the White House meeting, has already rejected pressure from the U.S. to accept deportees who are not its own citizens. Analysts suggest some African nations might be willing to strike such deals in exchange for more favorable terms on tariffs, foreign aid, investment, and visa restrictions.

What remains unclear is whether the men being deported have any legal recourse, what protections exist for them in countries with no obligation to provide due process, and whether the receiving nations have the capacity or willingness to manage individuals with serious criminal histories. The secrecy surrounding these deportations—no names released, no details about agreements, no transparency about where people are or what happens next—suggests the administration views these transfers as administrative victories rather than matters requiring public scrutiny. For the men themselves, and for the countries receiving them, the consequences are only beginning to unfold.

They have been terrorizing American communities but are now off of American soil.
— Tricia McLaughlin, Homeland Security Assistant Secretary
South Sudan is not a dumping ground for criminals.
— South Sudanese civil society leader
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