In a prison camp in western Ukraine, men born on Ukrainian soil sit confined after taking up arms for Russia — some driven by years of occupation and Kremlin schooling, others by debt or desperation, and some by force. Their stories reveal how identity itself becomes a casualty of prolonged conflict, shaped and reshaped by whichever state controls the classroom, the television, and the street. Ukraine charges them with treason; Russia barely remembers them. Caught between two nations, they illuminate the oldest tragedy of civil war: that the most contested ground is often the human soul.
Ukrainian-born soldiers captured fighting for Russia grapple with identity and loyalty
I don't regret my choice. I went to defend my land.
Why would a young man born in Ukraine choose to fight for Russia? What makes that choice feel rational to him?
He grows up under occupation, in Russian schools, watching Russian television. The authorities in Kyiv are presented to him as illegitimate, even fascist. By the time he's old enough to fight, his entire frame of reference has been shaped by Moscow. He's not choosing between Ukraine and Russia as abstract nations—he's choosing what feels like home, what feels like his people.
But he has a Ukrainian surname. Doesn't that create any cognitive dissonance?
For Anton, it's irrelevant. He says a country means nothing—it's nationality that matters. His family, his roots, his entire social world is Russian in his mind. The surname is just a historical artifact he's learned to dismiss.
What about the men who were forced to fight? How do you distinguish them from the volunteers?
One man's eyes darted around the whole time he spoke. He was terrified. He didn't want to be there. He wanted to hide. The volunteers speak with conviction, even if that conviction was manufactured. The conscripted ones are just trying to survive and get home.
Why does Russia seem to value these Ukrainian-born prisoners less than ethnic Russians in exchange negotiations?
They're expendable. Russia sees them as already compromised by their Ukrainian origins, already suspect. The ethnic Russians are the priority. These men fought for Russia but will be the last to leave the camp.
Do any of them seem to regret their choice?
Artyom regrets the military experience—the bad commander, the unpaid bonus, the shrapnel in his body. But he doesn't regret volunteering. Konstantin regrets the war itself, wishes it would end, but still thinks enlisting was the right call. They're trapped in a logic they can't escape.
Le Pouls
- Men who grew up under Russian occupation emerged from childhood believing Kyiv was the enemy — and now face treason trials for acting on exactly what they were taught to believe.
- Every prisoner in the camp reports the same grim arithmetic: all their comrades are dead, sign-up bonuses go unpaid, and the gap between Russia's promises and its reality is measured in shrapnel and broken contracts.
- Behind the voluntary fighters stand thousands more who had no choice — Ukrainian intelligence estimates over 50,000 people have been forcibly conscripted in occupied territories, a figure some sources place far higher.
- Russia's recruitment is visibly faltering, raising the prospect that Putin's long-avoided mass mobilization may become unavoidable as the pool of willing soldiers runs dry.
- In prisoner exchange negotiations, Ukrainian-born soldiers rank last on Russia's list — the men who called Putin their president now discover they were expendable to the country they fought for.
In a prison camp in western Ukraine, men born on Ukrainian soil sit confined after taking up arms for Russia — some driven by years of occupation and Kremlin schooling, others by debt or desperation, and some by force. Their stories reveal how identity itself becomes a casualty of prolonged conflict, shaped and reshaped by whichever state controls the classroom, the television, and the street. Ukraine charges them with treason; Russia barely remembers them. Caught between two nations, they illuminate the oldest tragedy of civil war: that the most contested ground is often the human soul.
Behind reinforced walls in western Ukraine, a prison camp holds men captured fighting for Russia. Among soldiers from St. Petersburg and Yekaterinburg are others born in Ukraine itself — men now facing treason charges in Kyiv's courts.
Anton was a child when Russian-backed forces took his corner of the Donbas. When the full-scale invasion began in 2022, he had just turned eighteen and enlisted immediately, convinced he was defending his homeland. He considers himself Russian, not Ukrainian. His formative years passed under occupation — Russian schools, Kremlin media, a steady diet of messaging that branded Kyiv's government as fascist. Now he recites state talking points almost verbatim, calls Putin his president, and insists the war must continue until Russia holds all of the Donbas. He and his friends all volunteered together. He tracks them now by text message. Dead, dead, dead.
In the prison hospital, Artyom lies embedded with shrapnel after just two months of fighting. He too came from Donetsk, driven by grievances from 2014. But the military has left him bitter. His commander was incompetent. The promised 400,000 roubles never arrived, while a wounded Russian soldier in the opposite bed received five times that sum.
Not everyone chose this path. One man from Donetsk admitted quietly that he had been conscripted by force. Ukrainian intelligence estimates more than 50,000 people have been pressed into service in occupied territories against their will. This man wanted only to return to his wife and children, then disappear — his family had stayed in Donetsk not from conviction, but because it was home.
The camp runs with a strange normalcy. Prisoners tend gardens, assemble artificial Christmas trees, and hammer together wooden coffins. Sergei, from Luhansk, says he will retire when released. Konstantin, a former drug dealer who enlisted to escape a fifteen-year prison sentence, is more reflective: he sees nothing good in any war, acknowledges that Ukrainians and Russians are close, and says everyone he knows has had enough — yet still believes his choice was right.
For Kyiv, these men are primarily bargaining chips. But in exchange negotiations, Ukrainian-born prisoners rank lowest on Russia's list. Konstantin notes bitterly that only about a dozen have been transferred this year. The men who believed they were defending their homeland have discovered they are expendable to the very country they fought for.
Behind reinforced walls in western Ukraine sits a prison camp holding men captured while fighting for Russia. Many arrived from major Russian cities like St. Petersburg and Yekaterinburg, but scattered among them are soldiers born in Ukraine itself—men who took up arms against their own country and now face treason charges in Kyiv's courts.
Anton was a child when Russian-backed forces seized his corner of the Donbas. When Putin launched the full-scale invasion in 2022, Anton had just turned eighteen. He enlisted immediately, not for Moscow, but what he believed was his homeland. "I don't regret my choice. I went to defend my land," he says, though his voice carries the weight of loss. He and his friends all volunteered together. Now they exchange text messages about the dead. "Dead, dead, dead." All of them.
The men in this camp tell a consistent story: everyone they went to war with has been killed. Recruitment is slowing despite enormous sign-up bonuses—a sign that Putin's reluctance to impose mass conscription may soon collide with military necessity. For Anton and others like him, the calculus is simple. He considers himself Russian, not Ukrainian. His surname is irrelevant to him. He has spent his formative years under occupation, educated in Russian schools, consuming Kremlin-controlled media that branded Kyiv's government as fascist. He speaks almost entirely in Russian state talking points now, calling Putin his president, insisting the war should continue until Russia controls all of the Donbas, even as hundreds of thousands lie dead.
In the prison hospital, Artyom lies in a corner bed, his body embedded with shrapnel from just two months of fighting. He too came from Donetsk and volunteered willingly, driven by old grievances from 2014 when Ukrainian forces tried to prevent his region's secession. But the military has embittered him. His commander was incompetent. He never received his promised 400,000 roubles—roughly $5,000. A wounded Russian soldier in the opposite bed received five times that amount. The injustice compounds his suffering.
Yet not every Ukrainian-born prisoner chose this path. One man from Donetsk, eyes darting nervously as he spoke, admitted he was conscripted by force. Official intelligence estimates suggest more than 50,000 Ukrainians have been pressed into service against their will in occupied territories, though some sources claim the number is far higher. This man's only wish was to return to his wife and children, then disappear into hiding rather than face the front again. His family had stayed in Donetsk not from political conviction but because it was home.
The camp itself operates with a strange normalcy. Prisoners tend gardens of strawberries and cucumbers. In one workshop, men hammer together wooden coffins—the previous contract was for garden sheds. In another, they assemble artificial Christmas trees, their wages buying extra food and cigarettes. Sergei, born in Luhansk but identifying as Russian like his parents, joined the army a decade ago and now claims he will retire when released, not return to combat. "I've done my bit." Most prisoners will have no choice in the matter.
Konstantin, a drug dealer who enlisted to avoid a fifteen-year prison sentence, sits among them. "For me, 15 years in prison was too much," he explains. "I would be 60 when I got out." Three convicted murderers believed they could walk free after a year of service, only to have their contracts automatically renewed. When asked about killing fellow countrymen, Sergei calls the question provocative and refuses to answer. Konstantin is more reflective: "I see nothing good in any war, and in a war like this there can be nothing good a priori. We're not the same as Ukrainians, but we are close. We all have relatives there." He still believes his decision was right, though he wants the war to end immediately. "Everyone I know there has had enough."
At lunch, prisoners file into the dining hall in navy overalls, heads bowed, hands clasped behind their backs. A video about Crimea plays on loop, attempting to counter Russian historical claims about the peninsula Moscow seized in 2014. No one watches. For Kyiv, the real priority is using these men as bargaining chips to recover its own soldiers. But in exchange negotiations, Ukrainian-born prisoners rank low on Russia's list. Konstantin notes bitterly that only about a dozen have been transferred this year. "It seems like they don't want to exchange us. I think we will be the last to go." The men who believed they were defending their homeland now find themselves expendable to the very country they fought for.
Citations marquantes
I consider myself Russian. A country means nothing, it's all about nationality. All my family are from Russia. All my roots are from there.— Anton, Ukrainian-born prisoner of war
I see nothing good in any war, and in a war like this there can be nothing good a priori. We're not the same as Ukrainians, but we are close. We all have relatives there.— Konstantin, a convict-soldier from occupied Donbas