Ukraine's Mine Crisis: How Drones and AI Are Reshaping Demining

Humanitarian workers face direct targeting from drone and missile attacks; civilians like Olena Kabanova risk injury or death performing manual demining work in contaminated fields.
The biggest barrier to demining Ukraine is the government of Ukraine.
A demining sector worker describes the structural obstacles that slow land clearance despite technological advances.
Mark

So Olena Kabanova is doing this work by hand in a field that was occupied by Russian forces four years ago. That's a long time to leave land contaminated. Why hasn't more of it been cleared already?

Mimi

Because the scale is genuinely unprecedented. Drone warfare has expanded the contaminated areas far beyond what traditional demining could handle. We're talking about a scale comparable to Vietnam-era cluster munitions campaigns. The Halo Trust alone is spending £50 million a year, but that's still only a fraction of what's needed.

Luke

Wait—is that £50 million actually clearing land, or is some of it going to overhead and administration? And how much of Ukraine is actually contaminated versus how much is just classified as contaminated because Russians were there?

Mimi

That's the tension Heslop raises. Ukrainian authorities are broad in their classification—if Russians occupied it, it's marked contaminated. But occupation doesn't automatically mean mines were laid. That's wasting resources.

Mark

The DMR-7 machine cuts the time from forty-five minutes to five minutes per patch. That sounds transformative. Why isn't every demining team using it?

Mimi

Cost, partly. It's expensive. But also, the technology isn't distributed equally. The Halo Trust has access to these innovations. State emergency services are just starting to use drones for surveillance and don't yet have AI to analyze the imagery.

Luke

So there's a two-tier system emerging—well-funded international organizations with cutting-edge tech, and underfunded state services with older methods. That's going to create bottlenecks.

Mimi

Exactly. And there's another layer: bureaucratic fragmentation. Responsibility is split across multiple government agencies. Bezkaravainyi wants to consolidate it, but officials resist losing authority.

Mark

That seems like a solvable problem. Why hasn't it been solved?

Luke

Because solving it means some people lose power. Bezkaravainyi literally said "Because, people" when asked why reform is slow. That's not a technical problem. That's a political one.

Mimi

And it's happening while the work is urgent. Every month that land stays contaminated is a month Ukrainian farmers can't use it, can't rebuild.

Mark

So the real bottleneck isn't the technology. It's the government.

Mimi

That's what one sector worker told the Guardian directly: the biggest barrier to demining Ukraine is the government of Ukraine.

  • Drone-delivered munitions have expanded Ukraine's mine contamination so rapidly that demining experts compare it to the cluster bomb campaigns of the Vietnam War — and the threat keeps growing with every strike.
  • Humanitarian deminers now face a double danger: the mines beneath their feet and the drones and missiles targeting them from above, making already lethal work increasingly unsurvivable.
  • A technological leap is underway — AI imagery analysis, ground-penetrating radar, and remote-operated machines like the DMR-7 are slashing clearance time from 45 minutes to 5 minutes per patch, offering a genuine path to scale.
  • Over $1.5 billion has poured into Ukraine's demining sector since the full-scale invasion, yet the money is outpacing the institutions meant to deploy it, with responsibility scattered across competing agencies and a stalled reform law.
  • Bureaucratic resistance to consolidating oversight, combined with regulatory rules that slow remote-operated machinery, threatens to squander the technological advantage that deminers say represents the most significant shift in their field in thirty years.
  • Ukraine's agricultural recovery — and the livelihoods of millions — hangs in the balance, waiting not just for the machines to clear the land, but for the institutions to get out of their own way.

In the scarred fields of eastern Ukraine, a quiet war continues long after the soldiers have moved on — fought not with weapons but with shovels, sensors, and algorithms against an invisible enemy buried in the earth. Ukraine has become the world's most mine-contaminated nation, a consequence of drone warfare that has scattered unexploded ordnance across agricultural land at a scale not seen since Vietnam, leaving communities unable to return to the soil that once sustained them. Humanitarian organizations are deploying artificial intelligence, remote-operated machinery, and satellite imagery to compress decades of dangerous work into years — yet the most stubborn obstacle may not be the mines themselves, but the fragmented institutions tasked with clearing them.

Olena Kabanova, 58, kneels in a weedy field in eastern Ukraine, carefully excavating around a flagged spot with a shovel. The land was reclaimed from Russian occupation, but the ground beneath it remains studded with landmines. Her work — methodical, patient, and dangerous — is a portrait of a country trying to reclaim itself from the inside out.

Ukraine is now the world's most mine-contaminated country, a distinction shaped by years of conflict and the rapid proliferation of drone-delivered munitions. UN demining officials compare the scale of contamination to the American cluster munition campaigns along the Ho Chi Minh Trail during the Vietnam War. Among the most insidious threats is the POM-3, a small cylindrical mine that detonates from the vibrations of approaching footsteps — so prevalent in some villages that demining teams avoid them entirely. And the danger is not only underfoot: humanitarian workers are increasingly targeted by drones and missiles while they work.

Yet the crisis has driven genuine innovation. Where Kabanova's manual method takes up to 45 minutes per patch, the DMR-7 — a remote-operated, tank-like vehicle using high-pressure compressed air — completes the same task in five. The Halo Trust, the largest international demining organization in Ukraine, is also deploying AI-powered image analysis, ground-penetrating radar, and explosive-detecting sensors. Drone and satellite surveillance, analyzed by artificial intelligence, has replaced weeks of manual reconnaissance with hours of computation.

Funding has surged to match the urgency — $1.5 billion since the full-scale invasion began, with the Halo Trust alone spending nearly £50 million in a single year, nearly double Ukraine's own state budget for agricultural land clearance. But money and technology are running ahead of the institutions meant to deploy them. Demining responsibility is fragmented across multiple government agencies and dozens of overlapping organizations. Reform efforts have stalled. A deputy economy minister pushing to consolidate oversight into a single cabinet-level office describes progress as glacial, blocked by bureaucrats unwilling to cede authority. One sector worker was more direct: the biggest barrier to demining Ukraine is the Ukrainian government itself.

Regulatory constraints add further friction. Health and safety rules require demining vehicles to be operated remotely rather than from within the cab — a meaningful slowdown that operators acknowledge as their greatest operational challenge. Meanwhile, Ukrainian authorities classify land as mine-affected simply because Russian forces once occupied it, a broad-brush approach that risks diverting resources to areas that may contain no explosives at all.

Despite these obstacles, those working in the sector believe the technological transformation now underway is the most significant in humanitarian mine action in thirty years. The machines are faster, the algorithms sharper, the drones more perceptive than any human eye. But the land will not clear itself, and Ukraine's fertile soil cannot feed its people until the institutions entrusted with this work prove capable of moving as fast as the tools they have been given.

Olena Kabanova kneels in a weedy field in eastern Ukraine, shovel in hand, excavating carefully around a spot her mine detector has flagged. The 58-year-old works methodically, carving out a neat square of earth. Four years ago, Russian soldiers occupied this land. Now it belongs to Ukraine again, but the ground beneath her is studded with landmines—thousands of them, scattered across territory reclaimed at terrible cost. Her job is to make it safe again, one patch at a time.

Ukraine has become the world's most mine-contaminated country, a distinction earned through years of grinding conflict and, increasingly, through the proliferation of drone-delivered munitions. The scale of contamination has grown so rapidly that Paul Heslop, the programme manager for mine action at the United Nations Development Programme in Ukraine, compares it to the cluster munition campaigns the Americans conducted along the Ho Chi Minh Trail during the Vietnam War. Both sides of the conflict now deploy long-range drones with devastating precision, and each strike leaves behind not just immediate casualties but a legacy of unexploded ordnance that will render land unusable for years.

The hazards facing deminers have evolved alongside the weapons. Russian forces have deployed the POM-3, a small cylindrical mine that resembles an abandoned vacuum flask and detonates from the vibrations of approaching footsteps. Anda Riza, a unit commander with the Halo Trust—the largest international humanitarian demining organization working in Ukraine—says certain villages have become so contaminated with these mines that her teams simply avoid them entirely. The threat landscape keeps shifting. Humanitarian workers face not only the mines themselves but direct attacks from drones and missiles. The work that was already dangerous has become more so.

Yet from this crisis has emerged technological innovation that offers genuine hope for acceleration. Kabanova's traditional method—digging out a suspicious patch by hand—takes up to forty-five minutes. A new machine called the DMR-7, a small tank-like vehicle equipped with a high-pressure compressed air system, can accomplish the same work in five minutes. An operator stands at a safe distance, controlling the machine remotely, and watches as it blasts away soil with mechanical force. The Halo Trust is experimenting with an array of other technologies: AI-powered image analysis, ground-penetrating radar, and devices that can detect explosive material rather than just metal. Drones and satellite imagery, analyzed with artificial intelligence, have replaced binoculars and maps for surveillance work that would have taken weeks just four years ago.

The funding has followed the urgency. Since the full-scale invasion began, $1.5 billion has flowed into Ukraine's demining sector. The Halo Trust alone spent nearly £50 million in the year ending March 2025—nearly double the Ukrainian state's annual budget of £28.6 million for clearing agricultural land of mines and unexploded ordnance. Yet money and technology cannot overcome structural dysfunction. Responsibility for demining is fragmented across multiple government agencies and dozens of overlapping organizations. Attempts to reform the country's mine action law have stalled. Ihor Bezkaravainyi, a deputy economy minister overseeing demining policy, wants to consolidate oversight into a single cabinet-level office, but progress has been glacial. When asked why, he offers a weary explanation: bureaucrats resist losing authority. One sector worker put it more bluntly—the biggest barrier to demining Ukraine is the Ukrainian government itself.

Regulatory barriers compound the problem. Health and safety standards require that demining vehicles be operated remotely rather than driven directly by a person in the cab. Riza acknowledges that remote operation is significantly slower than having an operator on board, and this remains their biggest operational challenge. Meanwhile, Ukrainian authorities cast their contamination net broadly, classifying land as mine-affected simply because Russian forces occupied it—an approach that risks wasting resources clearing areas that may never have been seeded with explosives. Paul Heslop argues the distinction matters: occupation does not automatically mean contamination. Land is only contaminated if it contains explosives.

Despite these obstacles, deminers across the sector believe technological advances will fundamentally accelerate their work. Heslop describes the current moment as the most significant transformation in humanitarian mine action in thirty years. The machines are faster. The AI is sharper. The drones can see what human eyes cannot. But the machines still need operators, the algorithms still need oversight, and the land still needs to be cleared before Ukraine's richly fertile soil can feed its people again. The technology is ready. The question now is whether the institutions can move fast enough to use it.

What we're now seeing is the massive increase in the use of drone-delivered munitions. What already was a very high-intensity battle area is now potentially becoming a much wider area of contamination and a scale that we haven't seen since the Americans were dropping cluster munitions on the Ho Chi Minh trail.
— Paul Heslop, programme manager for mine action at the United Nations Development Programme in Ukraine
We know for a fact that doing it remotely is much slower than having a person in the cab. That continues to be our biggest challenge.
— Anda Riza, unit commander of the Halo Trust
This is the cutting edge of technology. This is where the humanitarian mine action sector is going through the biggest pivot in the last 30 years.
— Paul Heslop
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