Ukraine's fuel infrastructure under sustained Russian drone assault

At least three people killed in petrol station attacks; two wounded in Kharkiv; civilians face ongoing risk during air raids at fuel stations.
You can fix your car, but you won't get your life back.
Police guidance issued to drivers in Ukraine's Dnipropetrovsk region urging them to evacuate petrol stations during air raid alerts.
Mark

Why would Russia spend so much money—$20,000 to $50,000 per drone—to destroy petrol stations when it's not actually crippling Ukraine's fuel supply?

Mimi

Because the goal isn't purely logistical. Yes, they want to disrupt supply lines, but they also want to terrorize. Every destroyed station is a message: nowhere is safe. Even filling your car is now dangerous.

Mark

But Ukrainians seem to have adapted. They're not panicking. They're just driving further to the next station.

Mimi

That's the thing—Ukraine's system is actually resilient in a way Russia's isn't. Hundreds of small stations scattered across the country, fuel imported by truck. When you destroy one, there's another ten kilometers away. Russia built its fuel system around massive centralized refineries. Ukraine's is distributed by necessity.

Mark

So Russia is essentially wasting money on a strategy that doesn't work?

Mimi

Not entirely. The psychological effect is real. People have to think about whether it's safe to fill up. Authorities have to issue evacuation protocols. It's a tax on normal life. But you're right that it's not achieving the military objective Russia probably hoped for.

Mark

What about the people who've been killed? Three in one attack near Kryvyi Rih?

Mimi

That's the human cost of this strategy. Civilians at a petrol station, just trying to fuel their cars, caught in a drone strike. It's not a large number compared to other aspects of the war, but it's real. And it's why the mayor tells people to fill up quickly and leave.

Mark

Do you think this campaign will continue?

Mimi

Almost certainly. Russia has shown no sign of stopping, and the attacks are actually accelerating—114 verified strikes in July alone. But unless Russia changes tactics fundamentally, it seems unlikely to achieve what it's trying to achieve.

  • Russian drone strikes on Ukrainian petrol stations surged to 114 verified attacks in July alone, with Shahed drones costing up to $50,000 each now replacing smaller weapons — a dramatic escalation in both scale and investment.
  • Entire corridors of Ukraine's road network have been stripped of functioning fuel stops, and towns like Trostyanets now rely on mobile tankers that change location daily to avoid becoming the next target.
  • At least three civilians have been killed and others wounded, prompting police to issue stark guidance: when sirens sound, abandon your vehicle and walk away — your car can be replaced, your life cannot.
  • Ukraine's distributed fuel market has blunted the campaign's strategic impact, with only 4 percent of stations lost and imports arriving by truck rather than through vulnerable centralized refineries.
  • Russia, by contrast, faces the consequences of its own centralized infrastructure: petrol was available at just 28 percent of Russian filling stations after Ukrainian drone strikes on refineries, revealing a deep asymmetry in national resilience.
  • Civilians and operators are adapting — concrete shelters, anti-drone netting, shortened hours, and drivers who fill up fast and leave — turning the forecourt from a place of routine into one of calculated risk.

Since April, Russia has waged a systematic drone campaign against Ukraine's civilian fuel infrastructure, striking at least 246 petrol stations in an effort to sever the logistical and psychological sinews of daily life. The campaign has intensified month by month, yet it has met a resilience rooted not in grand defenses but in the quiet redundancy of a decentralized market and a population that has learned to adapt. Meanwhile, Ukraine's own strikes on Russian refineries have exposed a mirror vulnerability — a centralized energy system that, when struck, leaves shelves bare across an entire nation. In the long human story of siege and endurance, this chapter asks which kind of society proves more breakable.

Mayor Ihor Terekhov's message to drivers in Kharkiv is simple: fill your tank and go. Don't linger. The instruction follows drone strikes that wounded two people at local petrol stations in late August, the latest chapter in a campaign that has been building since April.

Since then, Russia has struck at least 246 Ukrainian filling stations with drones and missiles. July saw 114 verified attacks — nearly double June's figure. The weapons have grown larger too, with Iranian-made Shahed drones now doing much of the work. The human cost includes at least three people killed near Kryvyi Rih, and police have issued guidance that would have seemed surreal before the war: if air raid sirens sound while you are at a petrol station, leave immediately. "You can fix your car, but you won't get your life back."

Some areas have been hit hardest. The road between Kharkiv and Dnipro now has no functioning stations along it. In Opishnya, every station has been destroyed. In Kherson region, nearly half have stopped operating. The town of Trostyanets, close to the Russian border, has lost all its stations and now receives fuel from mobile tankers that shift location constantly to avoid targeting.

Yet the campaign has not broken Ukraine's fuel supply. The National Bank reports only 4 percent of stations have been damaged or destroyed — a manageable figure in a market built on competition and redundancy. Fuel arrives by truck rather than through large refineries, giving the system flexibility. Major chains like BRSM Nafta have installed concrete shelters and anti-drone netting, reduced staff, and shortened hours. Customers have changed their behavior too. "They fill up and are keen to get on their way," says the chain's marketing director.

The contrast with Russia is telling. Ukraine's drone strikes on Russian refineries have caused petrol shortages at roughly 72 percent of Russian filling stations — a consequence of centralized infrastructure that, once damaged, cannot easily be replaced from elsewhere.

Local officials read the campaign as psychological warfare: deprive people of fuel, create hardship, erode the will to resist. Residents like Kateryna Stokolya in Mykolaiv understand the logic but reject the conclusion. Ukrainians, she says, have accepted the new reality without panic or queues. Security comes first. If you can't fill up now, you fill up later. The campaign continues to intensify, but the society it is trying to break has, so far, refused to fracture.

Mayor Ihor Terekhov's message to drivers in Kharkiv is blunt: fill your tank and leave. Don't linger. Don't browse. The reason sits in the wreckage of two petrol stations hit by Russian drones on a Monday in late August, which wounded two people and underscored a campaign that has been grinding on for months with accelerating intensity.

Since April, Russia has systematically targeted Ukraine's civilian fuel infrastructure with drones and missiles. The attacks began in regions near the front lines but have spread and intensified. In July alone, investigators verified 114 strikes on filling stations—nearly double the 66 recorded in June. Across the entire conflict, at least 246 petrol stations have been damaged or destroyed, according to Oleksandr Sirenko, an analyst at the Ukrainian energy think-tank Nafto Rynok. The toll includes at least three people killed in a single attack near Kryvyi Rih last week, and the constant threat has forced police to issue extraordinary guidance: abandon your vehicle and leave the station whenever air raid sirens sound. "You can fix your car, but you won't get your life back," one regional police force warned.

The nature of the assault has evolved. Early attacks used smaller, remote-controlled drones, but Russia has increasingly deployed larger Iranian-made Shahed drones, each costing between $20,000 and $50,000. One petrol station absorbed five direct hits from these weapons—a financial calculus that underscores the scale of the campaign. Some critical supply routes have been rendered nearly unusable. The road connecting Kharkiv and Dnipro, two of Ukraine's largest cities, now has no functioning petrol stations. In the village of Opishnya in Poltava region, every station has been destroyed. In the southern Kherson region, almost half of all filling stations have stopped operating, with the remainder attacked almost daily according to regional officials. Trostyanets, a town of nearly 20,000 people near the Russian border, has lost all its stations; local authorities now dispense fuel from mobile tankers that constantly change location to avoid being targeted.

Yet the strategy, while devastating in its intent, has not crippled Ukraine's fuel supply. The National Bank of Ukraine reports that only 4 percent of the country's filling stations have been damaged or destroyed—a manageable loss in a market saturated with alternatives. When one station is hit, drivers travel further to another. Fuel imports arrive by truck rather than through vulnerable large refineries, giving the system inherent redundancy. Sales in regions farther from the front have compensated for losses in contested areas. BRSM Nafta, a major petrol station chain that has lost eight locations and is rebuilding two others, has responded by installing concrete shelters and anti-drone netting at its forecourts, reducing staff at some locations, and shortening hours. Customers, sensing the danger, have adapted their behavior. "Clients aren't browsing the aisles anymore," says Oleksandr Melnychuk, the chain's strategic marketing director. "They fill up and are keen to get on their way as soon as possible."

The contrast with Russia is stark. Ukraine's drone campaign against Russian oil refineries has triggered widespread fuel shortages across nearly every Russian region. According to the newspaper Izvestia, petrol was available at only 28 percent of Russian filling stations at the time of reporting. Russia, dependent on large centralized refineries and fuel depots, lacks the distributed infrastructure that has allowed Ukraine to absorb the punishment. The asymmetry reveals something about the two countries' energy systems and, by extension, their resilience.

Local officials and residents interpret the campaign as psychological warfare. Mykola Riznyk, the chief of Opishnya village, sees the strategy plainly: deprive the population of fuel, create hardship, force capitulation. In response, his authorities have begun stockpiling fuel in small quantities across multiple hidden locations. Kateryna Stokolya, a driver in Mykolaiv, frames it differently but arrives at a similar conclusion. She believes Russia aims to terrorize civilians into pressuring their government to accept unfavorable peace terms. Yet she also notes that Ukrainians have largely accepted the new reality. "Security comes first," she says. "If you can't fill up now, you'll fill up later. There are no queues or panic buying."

The campaign continues to intensify, but its effectiveness remains constrained by the very structure of Ukraine's fuel market and the discipline of its population. Russia has spent tens of thousands of dollars per drone to destroy infrastructure that, while painful to lose, has not proven irreplaceable. The real impact may be less about fuel availability and more about the daily reminder that nowhere is entirely safe—that even the routine act of filling a tank now carries risk.

One petrol station took five Shahed hits. These Shaheds cost more than the petrol station.
— Oleksandr Sirenko, analyst at Nafto Rynok
You can see our enemy's strategy. They want to deprive us of fuel.
— Mykola Riznyk, chief of Opishnya village
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