On British soil, a quiet arrangement has allowed American military personnel accused of serious crimes to be tried under a foreign legal system — one that defines harm more narrowly and offers victims fewer protections. The Guardian's investigation into multiple sexual assault cases at RAF bases in Suffolk and Norfolk has brought this long-standing practice into the open, prompting urgent reviews across government, policing, and the question of what sovereignty truly means when a nation cannot guarantee justice to its own citizens on its own land. At its heart, this is a story about the gap be
UK launches review into US military's jurisdiction over serious crimes on British soil
crimes committed in England to be prosecuted in English courts
Why would British police hand over an investigation to US military prosecutors if they have the legal right to investigate?
That's the central puzzle. The law from the 1950s is clear—British police have first option in cases like these. But the US military has apparently been pushing to take control, and police have been saying yes. A source in government suggested officers may not have understood they should consult the Crown Prosecution Service first.
What's the practical difference between a British court and a military court martial for a victim?
In a British court, a victim has certain protections and the law defines rape broadly. In a court martial, you're before military officers, not a civilian jury. The definition of rape is narrower. Sexual assault gets charged instead. The sentence tends to be lighter. You have fewer advocates in the room.
So Sarah Steele's attacker was convicted of something, at least?
Yes, of strangling an intimate partner. But acquitted of sexual assault. He got six months. In a British court, the charges and sentence would likely have been different—and more serious.
How many cases are we talking about?
At least four others that the Guardian found. But Cambridgeshire police are reviewing cases back to 2018 and don't yet know the total. It could be more.
What happens now?
The government is pressing the US for answers about the Wulfson case. Police forces are reviewing their own procedures. Officials are clarifying that the Crown Prosecution Service needs to be consulted before jurisdiction transfers. But the underlying question—whether Britain can actually protect its citizens from foreign military personnel—remains open.
Is this a new problem or has it been happening quietly for years?
It's been happening quietly. The 1950s law allowed it in certain circumstances, but the cases suggest the US has been taking investigations it shouldn't have legal right to. British police appear to have simply gone along with it until the Guardian started asking questions.
Der Puls
- British women assaulted by US airmen have found themselves navigating a foreign military justice system that defines rape more narrowly and offers them fewer courtroom protections than UK law would provide.
- At least five cases have emerged in which US air force personnel avoided British prosecution entirely, with some receiving acquittals or minimal sentences through court martial proceedings that MPs across party lines have called inadequate.
- The most prominent case — a fighter pilot convicted of strangling but acquitted of sexually assaulting a British woman he met on a dating app — reached Downing Street and was described by officials as 'very concerning,' signalling how far the failure had gone unnoticed at the highest levels.
- Police forces in Suffolk and Cambridgeshire are now reviewing past decisions, while the National Police Chiefs' Council has written to all chief constables in England and Wales to clarify their legal obligations before transferring jurisdiction to US military authorities.
- Government ministers have committed to ensuring Crown Prosecution Service advice is sought before any future handover of cases, and the Foreign Office has pledged to press Washington directly for answers — but the structural legal framework governing US forces in Britain dates to the 1950s and has yet to change.
On British soil, a quiet arrangement has allowed American military personnel accused of serious crimes to be tried under a foreign legal system — one that defines harm more narrowly and offers victims fewer protections. The Guardian's investigation into multiple sexual assault cases at RAF bases in Suffolk and Norfolk has brought this long-standing practice into the open, prompting urgent reviews across government, policing, and the question of what sovereignty truly means when a nation cannot guarantee justice to its own citizens on its own land. At its heart, this is a story about the gap between legal frameworks and human dignity — and who bears the cost when institutions fail to close it.
Britain's government has quietly permitted American military personnel accused of serious crimes on British soil to be tried under US military law rather than in UK courts — a practice that has now triggered urgent reviews across multiple government departments and police forces following a Guardian investigation.
The most prominent case centres on Sarah Steele, a British woman raped and strangled by US fighter pilot Captain Jacob Wulfson after they met on a dating app. Cambridgeshire police handed the investigation to US military police within days. Wulfson was tried before an all-male jury of air force officers at a court martial on a Suffolk airbase, convicted of strangling an intimate partner but acquitted of sexual assault, and sentenced to six months. When Downing Street learned the case had bypassed British courts entirely, officials called it 'very concerning.'
Wulfson's case is not isolated. The Guardian identified at least four others: a US airman who exposed himself to a teenager and several young women and whose conviction was later quashed on technical grounds; another convicted of one sexual assault count but acquitted of ten further charges; and a third accused of a spree of rapes across East Anglia who was acquitted at court martial before later being convicted in Miami following an FBI investigation. In that last case, Suffolk police transferred primacy to military prosecutors just eleven days after two British women reported being drugged and raped.
The pattern exposes a structural problem. The legal framework governing US forces in Britain, dating to the 1950s, permits American military prosecution only for crimes committed on duty or against other service members. In all other cases, British police hold the first right to investigate — yet in practice, US military authorities have pushed to take control and British police have acquiesced, often without seeking Crown Prosecution Service advice.
Home Office and justice ministers have since met with Steele, and the National Police Chiefs' Council chair has written to all chief constables in England and Wales to clarify their obligations. The Foreign Office has pledged to press Washington for a full account of the Wulfson case. Suffolk and Cambridgeshire police are conducting their own reviews, and ministers have committed to ensuring CPS advice is sought before jurisdiction is transferred in future. With more than 12,000 US personnel stationed across fifteen UK bases, the question now being asked — by MPs, ministers, and victims alike — is whether Britain can guarantee justice to its own citizens when the accused wears a foreign uniform.
Britain's government has quietly allowed American military personnel accused of serious crimes on its soil to escape the British justice system, handing investigations over to US military prosecutors who operate under a different legal framework with weaker protections for victims. The discovery has triggered an urgent review involving multiple government departments and police chiefs, prompted by a series of cases uncovered by the Guardian in which British women were assaulted by US airmen stationed at RAF bases in Suffolk and Norfolk.
The most prominent case involves Sarah Steele, a British woman who was raped and strangled by Captain Jacob Wulfson, a US fighter pilot, in his apartment after they met on a dating app. Cambridgeshire police handed the investigation to US military police within days. Wulfson was tried in a court martial on a US airbase in Suffolk before an all-male jury of air force officers. He was convicted of strangling an intimate partner but acquitted of sexual assault. He received a six-month sentence, which he is serving at RAF Lakenheath. When Downing Street learned the case had bypassed British courts entirely, officials called it "very concerning."
Wulfson's case is not isolated. The Guardian has identified at least four other cases in which US air force personnel avoided UK prosecution despite committing alleged crimes while off duty on British soil. Hannes Marschalek exposed himself to a 16-year-old girl and four young women in Littleport, Cambridgeshire; he admitted indecent conduct after a plea bargain at court martial, though the conviction was later quashed on technical grounds. Tyrion Davis was accused of raping two British women in Suffolk; he was convicted of one count of sexual assault at court martial but acquitted of ten further counts. James Loubeau faced allegations of a "spree" of rapes and sexual assaults across East Anglia, including drugging women and breaking into their homes. He was acquitted at court martial on charges from just one of six women who accused him; he was later convicted in Miami after an FBI investigation. Suffolk police transferred the Loubeau case to military prosecutors just eleven days after two British women reported being drugged and raped.
The pattern reveals a systemic problem rooted in how British and American law treat these crimes differently. Under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, the US military's legal framework, rape carries a narrower definition than British law recognizes. Many cases that would constitute rape under UK law are instead charged as sexual assault in military courts. Victims in court martial proceedings receive fewer protections than they would in British courts. The legal authority governing US forces in Britain dates to the 1950s and permits the American military to prosecute personnel only for crimes committed while on duty or against other military members, their property, or dependants. In all other cases, British police have the first option to investigate. Yet in practice, US military authorities have pushed to take control of investigations over which they have no legal right, and British police have acquiesced.
Home Office and justice ministers have now met with Steele to discuss her case and what changes might be needed. A government spokesperson acknowledged her "incredible bravery" and committed to "identifying and learning any lessons" to ensure victims are "supported and treated with the seriousness, dignity and compassion they deserve." Officials are working with the National Police Chiefs' Council to review guidance and ensure cases are referred to the Crown Prosecution Service for advice before jurisdiction is transferred. The Foreign Office has said it is "engaging with the US on this matter" and has promised to press Washington for a full account of what happened in Wulfson's case.
Two police forces directly involved—Suffolk and Cambridgeshire—are conducting their own reviews. Cambridgeshire is examining cases going back to 2018 but has not yet determined how many there have been. Suffolk is reviewing the decision-making around transferring primacy to the US air force. Gavin Stephens, chair of the National Police Chiefs' Council, has written to all chief constables in England and Wales to clarify their legal obligations when investigating visiting US forces. A government source revealed that ministers were alarmed to discover that UK police forces may not be seeking Crown Prosecution Service advice before handing investigations to the US military.
The scale of the issue is substantial. More than 12,000 US military personnel are stationed across the UK at fifteen bases and facilities. The largest concentrations are at RAF Lakenheath and RAF Mildenhall in Suffolk, with significant numbers also living in Norfolk and Cambridgeshire. MPs from across the political spectrum have expressed concern. Nick Timothy, the Conservative justice spokesperson, said Wulfson "should have been fully investigated by the English police and prosecuted in our courts." Jess Brown-Fuller, the Liberal Democrats' justice spokesperson, stated: "The British public expect crimes committed in England to be prosecuted in the English courts under English law. That expectation should not change simply because the accused is a member of the foreign military." Justice Minister Sarah Sackman acknowledged the victims in parliament, saying "Our thoughts are with the victim, and with the other victims whose experiences have subsequently come to light." What emerges is a question about sovereignty and protection: whether Britain can ensure its own citizens receive justice when harmed by foreign military personnel on British territory.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
The British public expect crimes committed in England to be prosecuted in the English courts under English law. That expectation should not change simply because the accused is a member of the foreign military.— Jess Brown-Fuller, Liberal Democrats justice spokesperson
Should have been fully investigated by the English police and prosecuted in our courts.— Nick Timothy, Conservative justice spokesperson, on the Wulfson case