UK Greens face European backlash over Zionism-racism policy vote

Less than 1% of members actually participate in policymaking
A former Green co-leader questions whether the party's decentralized structure still works as membership expands.
Mark

So the Greens voted on Sunday to call Zionism a form of racism. That's a pretty stark position. How many people actually made that decision?

Mimi

Just over 1,000 people voted for it. But here's the thing—that's only 0.4 percent of the party's total membership. So it's technically binding party policy, but it came from a tiny fraction of the people who belong.

Luke

Wait. If 0.4 percent of members voted on this, how is it binding? That seems like a governance problem, not a policy problem.

Mimi

Exactly. The Greens make policy at two annual conferences, and attendance is always small. But yes, whatever passes there becomes official party position.

Mark

And the European Greens—the umbrella organization—they're upset about this?

Mimi

Very. They represent 47 Green parties, including the English and Welsh branch. They said the motion contradicts their support for a two-state solution and demanded clarity on whether the English and Welsh Greens still believe in Israeli self-determination.

Luke

Did the English and Welsh leadership actually respond to that demand?

Mimi

The party leader, Zack Polanski, issued a statement saying antisemitism and criticism of Israel are distinct, and that the party wants to protect both Palestinian rights and Jewish communities. But he didn't directly address the European party's specific questions.

Mark

What about the MPs? Did they go along with this?

Mimi

Four of the five Green MPs voted against it. So there's a real split between the membership and the parliamentary group.

Luke

That's significant. It suggests the people actually in Parliament think this is a mistake. Did anyone resign over it?

Mimi

Sandy Ruthven, who chairs Amnesty International UK's charitable trust and has been a Green member for a long time, resigned and said the party failed to confront antisemitism.

Mark

So now the Greens are isolated from their European allies, their own MPs are split, and they've lost at least one prominent member. What's the actual path forward?

Mimi

That's unclear. Some Greens want to modernize the governance structure so that tiny conference votes don't become binding policy. Others say that would undermine grassroots democracy, which is core to who they are.

Luke

But grassroots democracy that produces decisions 99.6 percent of members didn't participate in—is that really grassroots democracy, or is it just a small group with the time to show up?

  • A motion backed by just 0.4% of the party's membership has become binding policy, exposing how a thin slice of participation can reshape an entire political identity.
  • European Green allies, including the German Greens and the continent-wide European Green Party, have responded with formal alarm, calling the policy intolerable and demanding the English and Welsh leadership clarify their position on Jewish self-determination.
  • The fallout has been immediate and personal — a prominent Amnesty International chair resigned, four of five Green MPs voted against the motion, and party leader Zack Polanski is now attempting to hold together a fractured coalition.
  • Beneath the policy dispute lies a structural crisis: the Greens' decentralized, grassroots policymaking model is being questioned as membership grows and the consequences of low-turnout votes become harder to contain.
  • The controversy lands just days before the third anniversary of the October 7 Hamas attacks, sharpening the moral and political stakes for all sides.

At their Brighton conference, the Green Party of England and Wales voted to classify Zionism as a form of racism and endorse a single Palestinian state — a decision made by fewer than half a percent of the party's membership, yet carrying the weight of binding policy. The motion has severed the party from its European allies, who hold Israel's right to exist as a foundational commitment, and drawn condemnation from German Green leadership and Jewish advocacy groups alike. It is a moment that asks an old question in a new form: who truly speaks for a political movement, and what happens when the answer is a very small room?

The Green Party of England and Wales emerged from their Brighton conference with a new policy declaring Zionism a form of racism and endorsing a single democratic Palestinian state across historic Palestine. The motion passed with just over 1,000 votes — a figure that represents 0.4 percent of the party's total membership, raising immediate questions about whether so consequential a decision rested on so narrow a foundation.

The European Green Party, which coordinates 47 Green parties including the English and Welsh branch, responded with a formal statement reaffirming its support for a two-state solution and demanding clarity on the party's stance toward Israeli self-determination and Jewish protection. Felix Banaszak, co-leader of the German Greens, called the motion 'intolerable and unacceptable,' saying it contradicted the core commitments of the broader European Green movement, including the principle that Israel has a right to exist.

The domestic fallout was swift. Sandy Ruthven, chair of Amnesty International UK's charitable trust, resigned from the party, accusing it of failing to confront antisemitism. Four of the party's five MPs voted against the motion. Party leader Zack Polanski attempted to hold the line, insisting that antisemitism and criticism of Israeli policy are distinct, and that conflating them is itself antisemitic — while reaffirming the party's commitment to both Palestinian rights and Jewish communities in the UK.

The vote has also forced a reckoning with the Greens' governance model. MP Ellie Chowns told the Guardian that when less than one percent of members shape binding policy, the party must ask hard questions — particularly as its membership has grown substantially. Some within the party defend direct democracy as foundational; others propose a hybrid model in which members set broad priorities while smaller accountable bodies develop detailed policy.

The ideological distance between the English and Welsh Greens and their German counterparts runs deeper than this single vote. The German Greens have supported arming Israel, opposed a ceasefire during military operations in Gaza, and co-sponsored a resolution describing the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions campaign as antisemitic — positions that stand in sharp contrast to the new Brighton policy. Whether the relationship between these wings of the European Green movement can be repaired, or whether this vote marks a lasting fracture, remains the open question.

The Green Party of England and Wales adopted a policy on Sunday that has now isolated it from its European allies. At their conference in Brighton, party members voted to declare Zionism—the movement for a Jewish state—a form of racism equivalent to any other, and to back the establishment of a single democratic Palestinian state across historic Palestine with equal rights for all inhabitants. The motion passed with just over 1,000 votes. That sounds like a decisive mandate until you learn the actual number: it represented 0.4 percent of the party's total membership.

The European Green party, which coordinates 47 Green parties across the continent including the English and Welsh branch, responded with alarm. In a formal statement, the alliance said it supported a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine—a position directly at odds with the new policy—and demanded immediate clarity from the English and Welsh leadership about their stance on Israeli self-determination and Jewish protection within the party. Felix Banaszak, co-leader of the German Greens, went further, calling the motion "intolerable and unacceptable" at a press conference. He said it contradicted everything his party stood for and everything the broader European Green movement represented. The German Greens, he emphasized, hold that Israel has a right to exist, and that right cannot be undermined.

The fallout has been swift and personal. Sandy Ruthven, chair of Amnesty International UK's charitable trust and a longtime Green member, resigned over the motion, accusing the party of failing to confront antisemitism. Four of the party's five MPs voted against it. Party leader Zack Polanski issued a statement attempting to thread a needle: he said antisemitism and criticism of Israeli policy are distinct, that blurring the line between them is wrong and itself antisemitic, and that the party's role is to protect both Palestinian rights and Jewish communities in the UK. He also noted that Green pressure has pushed the government to end trade with Israeli settlements.

But the vote has exposed a structural vulnerability in how the Greens make policy. Ellie Chowns, a former co-leader and current MP for North Herefordshire, told the Guardian that the party's governance urgently needs modernizing. When less than one percent of members actually participate in policymaking, she said, the party needs to ask itself hard questions—especially as membership has expanded dramatically. She acknowledged the concerns of European Greens, which she shares, but stressed that more unites the movement than divides it.

The tension reflects deeper disagreements within the Green movement itself. One party source noted that the German Greens support arming Israel, opposed a ceasefire during Israel's military operations in Gaza, backed the suspension of funding to the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, and co-sponsored a resolution describing the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions campaign as antisemitic. Those positions sit in stark contrast to the English and Welsh party's new stance.

Internally, Greens are divided on how to fix the governance problem. Some argue that giving MPs greater authority over members would betray the party's commitment to grassroots democracy. Others suggest a hybrid model: members could set broad strategic priorities while smaller bodies develop detailed policy, remaining accountable to the membership. One senior Green defended the existing model of direct democracy as fundamental to the party's character.

Daniel Schuster, regional director of the Simon Wiesenthal Center's European office, called the decision "absurd" and "itself racist." He noted the timing—days before the third anniversary of the October 7 Hamas attacks—and said the policy transforms a movement for Jewish national self-determination into something Jews are expected to apologize for. The question now is whether the English and Welsh Greens can repair their standing with European allies, or whether this vote has fractured a relationship that will take years to mend.

Antisemitism and criticism of the Israeli state are, and must always be, completely distinct—blurring the line between the two is not only wrong but antisemitic, and makes Jewish people less safe.
— Zack Polanski, Green Party leader
It runs counter to everything that Alliance 90/the Greens stands for in Germany, and it also runs counter to what the European Green party stands for.
— Felix Banaszak, co-leader of German Greens
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