UAE cargo plane linked to Sudan war tracked between Israel, Ethiopia bases

Sudan's war between SAF and RSF has created the world's largest humanitarian crisis since April 2023, with RSF accused of genocide in Darfur.
The Horn of Africa is now at the mercy of what happens in Riyadh and Abu Dhabi
A Sudanese analyst describes how Gulf rivalries have reshaped the region's geopolitics and the stakes of Sudan's war.
Mark

So we're tracking a specific plane making flights between Abu Dhabi, Ethiopia, Israel, and other places. What makes this plane worth following?

Mimi

The aircraft has been linked in UN investigations to weapons shipments. It's massive—an Antonov An-124, the world's largest military transport plane. And it's connected to Mohammed bin Zayed, the UAE president.

Luke

But we need to be careful here. The UN report is from 2021. The flights we're tracking are from January 2026. We don't have direct evidence of what's on this plane right now.

Mimi

That's true, but the pattern is striking. Multiple flights to Ethiopian military airbases in a short window, then onward to Israel and other locations. A Sudanese intelligence source says the RSF has purchased fighter jets that are being transported via cargo planes to Ethiopia.

Mark

Why does Ethiopia matter so much in this story?

Mimi

The UAE has lost ground elsewhere—forced out of Somalia, losing influence in Yemen to Saudi Arabia. Ethiopia has become crucial to their regional strategy. A former Ethiopian government adviser said the UAE has essentially been directing Ethiopian policy on Sudan and the RSF.

Luke

But that's one source's assessment. We don't have direct evidence that Abiy Ahmed is taking orders from Abu Dhabi. The adviser worked for the government over a decade ago—things may have changed.

Mark

What about the Saudi-UAE rivalry? How does that shape what we're seeing?

Mimi

Saudi Arabia is now backing Sudan's government forces heavily, while the UAE continues supporting the RSF. Pakistan is negotiating a $1.5 billion defense package for Sudan that includes fighters and over 200 drones. The two Gulf powers are essentially fighting a proxy war in Sudan.

Luke

The Pakistan deal is reported by Reuters, so that's solid. But we should note that the UAE has denied supporting the RSF entirely. They say the allegations are false.

Mark

What about the flights to Israel and Bahrain in late December?

Mimi

That's part of the puzzle. The plane made three round trips between Bahrain and Israel's Ovda base just before the Ethiopia flights began. We don't know what was transferred, but the timing and pattern raise questions.

Luke

And that's the honest answer—we don't know. Flight tracking shows where a plane went, not what it carried or why. The connections are suggestive, but they're not proof.

Mark

So what's the real concern here?

Mimi

If the UAE is using Ethiopian territory to stage weapons for the RSF, it's a significant escalation in a war that's already created the world's largest humanitarian crisis. It also signals how deeply the Sudan conflict is now entangled with Gulf power struggles.

  • A UAE-linked Antonov cargo plane made at least four documented flights to Ethiopia's main air force base in January 2026, with a flight pattern that researchers say mirrors previous covert weapons airbridge operations.
  • The RSF — accused of genocide in Darfur — is reportedly acquiring dismantled fighter jets sourced from Serbia and transported by cargo aircraft to Ethiopia or eastern Libya, dramatically escalating the war's destructive potential.
  • Saudi Arabia's recent regional gains, including forcing the UAE out of bases in Bosaso and Aden, have pushed Emirati military logistics deeper into Ethiopian territory, making Addis Ababa the new fulcrum of Abu Dhabi's Sudan strategy.
  • The aircraft's owner, Maximus Air, is majority controlled by UAE national security advisor Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed, and the plane itself was previously named in a UN sanctions-busting investigation — yet it continues to operate without restriction.
  • Al-Kufra airbase in Libya, a key RSF resupply hub, has announced a sudden month-long closure widely interpreted as a pressure-driven pause rather than genuine maintenance, signaling that Saudi leverage is beginning to fracture the UAE's logistics network.
  • Humanitarian researchers are calling on Ethiopia to deny UAE aircraft access to its airspace, warning that continued silence makes Addis Ababa complicit in what is already the world's largest displacement and famine crisis.

Across the skies linking Abu Dhabi, the Horn of Africa, and the Levant, a cargo aircraft with deep ties to the UAE's security establishment has been tracing a path that analysts and humanitarian researchers believe carries the weight of war. The plane, long associated with sanctions-busting operations in Libya and arms transfers during the Tigray conflict, appears to be threading a new supply line to Sudan's Rapid Support Forces through Ethiopian military airfields — even as Saudi Arabia and the UAE wage an intensifying proxy rivalry that is reshaping the entire region's order. Sudan's people, already enduring what the world recognizes as its gravest humanitarian catastrophe in a generation, find themselves at the intersection of Gulf ambitions they did not choose and cannot escape.

A UAE-linked Antonov cargo plane has been making repeated flights between Abu Dhabi military installations and Ethiopian air force bases in January 2026, tracing a route that researchers and intelligence sources believe is connected to weapons transfers for Sudan's Rapid Support Forces. The aircraft, tail number UR-ZYD, is operated by Maximus Air — majority owned by an investment fund chaired by UAE national security advisor Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed — and has a documented history of sanctions violations, having been named in a 2021 UN investigation into covert arms deliveries to Libyan warlord Khalifa Haftar. Flight records show the plane touched down at Harar Meda, Ethiopia's main air force base, on at least three occasions before continuing on a circuitous path through Israel, France, Kazakhstan, China, and Thailand.

Sudan's war, which began in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the RSF, has become a theater for Gulf rivalry. Saudi Arabia backs the government forces alongside Egypt and Turkey, while the UAE has long sustained the RSF — a relationship that has produced the world's largest humanitarian crisis and widespread accusations of genocide in Darfur. A Sudanese intelligence source told Middle East Eye that the RSF has recently acquired at least six fighter jets, dismantled and shipped by cargo plane to Ethiopia or to al-Kufra airbase in eastern Libya. Nathaniel Raymond of Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab described the flight pattern as "of global concern" and called on Ethiopia to close its airspace to UAE aircraft if the weapons connection is confirmed.

Ethiopia's role has grown as the UAE's other regional footholds have eroded. Saudi military pressure forced Abu Dhabi to abandon its base in Bosaso, Somalia, and withdraw from Aden in Yemen. A former Ethiopian government adviser said Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali has effectively allowed the UAE to direct Ethiopian policy on Sudan and the RSF, with analysts warning that Addis Ababa has become the new staging ground for Emirati military operations. Analyst Jalel Harchaoui put it plainly: the Emiratis are now concentrating their logistics on Ethiopian territory as Saudi actions have disrupted other options.

The same aircraft was previously linked to sixteen flights between Abu Dhabi and Chad in 2023, alleged to be part of RSF supply runs, and to arms deliveries during the 2021 Tigray war — even as Maximus Air's annual reports emphasize its humanitarian mission and cooperation with the UAE Red Crescent. Al-Kufra airbase, another key node in the UAE-RSF supply chain, announced a sudden closure for runway repairs just eleven months after its last renovation, a move widely read as a tactical pause under Saudi pressure. As Sudanese analyst Kholood Khair observed, the Horn of Africa has become hostage to decisions made in Riyadh and Abu Dhabi — its fate written in cargo manifests and proxy rivalries far from its own soil.

A massive cargo plane with ties to the United Arab Emirates has been making a series of flights across the Middle East and Horn of Africa in recent weeks, raising fresh questions about weapons shipments to fighters in Sudan's brutal war. The aircraft, an Antonov An-124 operated by the UAE-based airline Maximus Air and bearing the tail number UR-ZYD, touched down repeatedly at Ethiopian military airbases in early January before continuing onward to Israel, Bahrain, France, Kazakhstan, China, and Thailand. The pattern of movement, tracked through public flight data, comes as the UAE and Saudi Arabia wage an intensifying proxy struggle across Yemen and the Horn of Africa—a competition that has now engulfed Sudan's conflict and raised the stakes for the entire region.

The war in Sudan, which erupted in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, has become a battleground for Gulf rivalries. Saudi Arabia, alongside Egypt and Turkey, has been pouring military support into the government forces, while the UAE has long backed the RSF. That support has created the world's largest humanitarian crisis, with the RSF facing widespread accusations of genocide in Darfur. The recent flights suggest the UAE is doubling down on its commitment to the RSF even as its regional position weakens. Saudi military action last year forced the UAE to abandon its key base in the Somali port city of Bosaso and withdraw from Aden in Yemen. Israel's recognition of Somaliland, where the UAE maintains another military installation and controls the port of Berbera, has further scrambled the regional order. Ethiopia, closely aligned with Abu Dhabi, has become crucial to Emirati strategy, with UAE personnel redeployed there as other bases became untenable.

A former Ethiopian government adviser with over a decade of experience in Addis Ababa told Middle East Eye that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali appears determined to align Ethiopia firmly with the UAE. The source suggested that the UAE has effectively been directing Ethiopian policy on Sudan, the RSF, and even the Eritrean port of Assab—claiming that Abiy nearly invaded Assab last year at Abu Dhabi's urging. Jalel Harchaoui, an analyst of North African politics, argued that while Saudi Arabia's recent victories in Yemen have bolstered Riyadh's regional standing, Ethiopia will not abandon the UAE. "Addis Ababa will stick with the UAE," Harchaoui said. "The Emiratis are therefore focusing military operations on Ethiopian territory, preparing a major offensive as Saudi actions have disrupted other staging areas."

The flight data reveals a specific pattern. On January 3rd, UR-ZYD departed Abu Dhabi International Airport and landed at Harar Meda, the main Ethiopian Air Force base, at 9:12 a.m. local time. It remained on the ground for roughly ninety minutes before returning to Abu Dhabi. The plane repeated this journey on January 12th, this time departing from Al Dhafrar, a UAE military base, and again on January 15th. On January 17th, it flew to Harar Meda before continuing to Addis Ababa's Bole International Airport. From there, the aircraft's path became more circuitous: Marseille on January 18th, then Taraz Airport in Kazakhstan the same day, followed by Guangzhou in China and finally U-Tapao International Airport in Thailand. Days before these Ethiopia flights, the plane had made three round trips between Bahrain's Sheikh Isa Air Base and Israel's Ovda base in the southern Negev desert on December 28th, 29th, and 31st.

The Antonov An-124 is the world's largest military transport aircraft. Maximus Air's marketing materials boast that it can carry twenty-one Toyota Land Cruisers or four Mi-17 helicopters without strain. Nathaniel Raymond, executive director of Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab, which monitors Sudan's conflict, called the repeated sorties between Abu Dhabi and the Ethiopian airfield near areas of increased RSF activity "of global concern." He urged Ethiopia to block UAE access to its airspace if the flights are confirmed to involve RSF weapons supplies. A Sudanese intelligence source told Middle East Eye that the RSF has recently purchased at least six fighter jets—Sukhoi Su-24s and MiG-25s typically sourced from Serbia—which are dismantled and transported via cargo planes to either Ethiopia or al-Kufra, an airbase in eastern Libya controlled by General Khalifa Haftar's forces.

The aircraft itself carries a documented history of sanctions-busting. A 2021 UN panel of experts investigating Emirati weapons shipments to Haftar identified UR-ZYD as part of a covert "airbridge" operation, pointing to twelve suspicious flights between Assab in Eritrea and Mersa Matruh in Egypt. The panel estimated that each flight delivered up to eighteen military vehicles and identified Mohammed bin Zayed, now the UAE president and then-crown prince, as the plane's beneficial owner. The UAE's then-ambassador to the United Nations, Lana Nusseibeh, dismissed the allegations as "false" and denied them "in their entirety." Maximus Air, which describes itself as the largest all-cargo airline in the UAE and is majority owned by an investment fund chaired by UAE national security advisor Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, did not respond to requests for comment.

The plane's connections to weapons transfers extend beyond Libya. Open-source plane monitors identified UR-ZYD making sixteen flights over five months between Abu Dhabi and N'Djamena in Chad in 2023, allegedly part of UAE weapons supplies to the RSF. The same aircraft was previously linked to Emirati arms shipments to Ethiopia during the 2021 Tigray war. Yet Maximus Air's annual reports for 2022 and 2023 emphasize the airline's "humanitarian mission," highlighting cooperation with the UAE Red Crescent Authority and citing the transport of two Mi-17 helicopters from China to Uganda in 2023 for UN peacekeeping operations in the Abyei region between Sudan and South Sudan. Last month, UR-ZYD was part of an aircraft entourage accompanying UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed on an official visit to Pakistan. Meanwhile, al-Kufra airbase in Libya, a key supply point for the RSF and a hub for UAE-linked cargo flights, announced a "temporary closure" on Monday for "runway repairs" expected to last a month—despite the runway having been renovated just eleven months earlier in February 2024. The closure is widely believed to give the Haftar family time to navigate pressure from Saudi Arabia to abandon their support for the UAE's RSF operations. Kholood Khair, a Sudanese analyst and policy expert, summed up the stakes: "The Horn of Africa is now at the mercy of what happens in Riyadh and Abu Dhabi."

Evidence that an An-124 has been making repeated sorties between Abu Dhabi and this airfield near an area seeing increased uptick in RSF presence and operations should be of global concern.
— Nathaniel Raymond, executive director of Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab
Addis Ababa will stick with the UAE. The Emiratis are therefore focusing military operations on Ethiopian territory, preparing a major offensive as Saudi actions have disrupted other staging areas.
— Jalel Harchaoui, analyst of North African politics
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