Five years after consolidating power, Tunisia's President Kais Saied has turned the instruments of the state against the very organizations that once gave democratic life its texture — human rights defenders, advocacy groups, and independent voices now face prosecution, suspension, and silence. What Human Rights Watch documents as a total crackdown is also a quieter story about how authoritarianism spreads not only through force, but through uncertainty — the calculation each person makes about whether speaking is worth the risk. Tunisia, once a fragile but genuine democratic exception in the
Tunisia's Civil Society Under Siege as Saied Tightens Authoritarian Grip
Activists face prosecution, detention, and suspension of their organizations; thousands protested in July amid water and electricity shortages affecting basic services.
The uncertainty itself becomes a form of pressure
Mark
So what's actually happening to these civil society organizations? Are they being shut down formally, or is it more subtle than that?
Mimi
It's both. Some face direct suspension orders. But many are caught in prosecutions—money laundering charges, financial investigations—that freeze their operations even before any conviction. The uncertainty is the point. Organizations don't know if they'll be allowed to function next month.
Luke
Do we know if those money laundering charges have any basis, or are they clearly pretextual? The source says activists claim they're being accused, but I want to know what the actual evidence looks like.
Mimi
That's the thing—Human Rights Watch calls them abusive and arbitrary, but the reporting doesn't detail specific cases or what the charges actually allege. We know the pattern exists; we don't have the granular evidence yet.
Mark
And Saied himself—what's his justification? Does he acknowledge what's happening?
Mimi
He denies being authoritarian. He says the measures are necessary to fight corruption and protect democracy. He's also accused critics of taking foreign money to destabilize the country.
Luke
Which is a classic move. But has anyone documented foreign funding actually flowing to these organizations, or is that an accusation without evidence?
Mimi
The reporting doesn't provide that detail. It's presented as his accusation, not as a verified fact.
Mark
The protests in July—how big were they really? You said thousands, but in a country of 12 million, what does that actually mean?
Mimi
The reporting says thousands gathered in Tunis on July 25 and again in late August, but it doesn't give specific numbers. Dworkin said the demonstrations lack the scale to threaten Saied's rule, which suggests they're significant enough to matter symbolically but not large enough to force change.
Luke
So we don't actually know the turnout. That's important, because "thousands" could mean 5,000 or 50,000, and those are very different stories.
Mark
What about the generational divide—is that real, or is it overstated?
Mimi
The data is real. The Arab Barometer survey is solid. Older Tunisians trust government more now than they have in years; younger ones remain skeptical. But Dworkin cautioned against reading too much into it as a sign of fundamental division. People are tired, looking for alternatives that don't exist, trying to survive.
Luke
And the survey was conducted in fall 2025, published in July 2026. So we're looking at data that's already several months old by the time this story runs. Things could have shifted.
Il Polso
- Authorities are deploying prosecutions, financial investigations, and organizational suspensions as coordinated tools to extinguish independent civil society — not as isolated incidents, but as a documented pattern.
- The chilling effect may be more powerful than any formal ban: when activists face detention and organizations face closure, self-censorship spreads through entire networks before a single law is passed.
- Thousands took to the streets in July and again in late August, reviving Arab Spring chants and organizing around demands for water, electricity, and food — but analysts warn the protests lack the scale to seriously threaten Saied's grip.
- A striking generational fracture has emerged: younger Tunisians remain skeptical of the state and trusting of civil society, while older citizens have grown more favorable toward government — a divide that barely existed two years ago.
- With limited political alternatives, widespread exhaustion, and many citizens focused on daily survival or emigration, the path toward meaningful opposition remains narrow and uncertain.
Five years after consolidating power, Tunisia's President Kais Saied has turned the instruments of the state against the very organizations that once gave democratic life its texture — human rights defenders, advocacy groups, and independent voices now face prosecution, suspension, and silence. What Human Rights Watch documents as a total crackdown is also a quieter story about how authoritarianism spreads not only through force, but through uncertainty — the calculation each person makes about whether speaking is worth the risk. Tunisia, once a fragile but genuine democratic exception in the Arab world, now stands as a reminder that democratic gains are never permanent, and that the generation inheriting a diminished republic sees it most clearly.
Five years into his rule, Tunisian President Kais Saied has methodically dismantled the civil society organizations that once served as a counterweight to state power. What began in July 2021 with the dissolution of parliament has become a comprehensive campaign: prosecutions on money laundering charges, financial investigations, arbitrary detentions, and organizational suspensions. Human Rights Watch documented the full scope, with deputy director Bassam Khawaja describing it plainly — a total crackdown on independent voices. Human rights defender Messaoud Romdhani said civil society now exists in a state of shock. An anonymous activist put it differently: the uncertainty itself has become a weapon. When people must calculate the risk of speaking, silence spreads faster than any formal prohibition.
Saied, elected democratically in 2019, has rejected accusations of authoritarianism, framing his consolidation of power as a necessary fight against corruption. He has accused critics of receiving foreign funding to destabilize the country. The organizations being suppressed have historically held power accountable, delivered services, and advocated for rights — functions that now go unfilled.
Despite the repression, protest has not disappeared. On July 25, marking five years since the power grab, thousands gathered in the capital against deteriorating living conditions and government failures in basic services — water and electricity outages have become widespread. In late August, demonstrators returned, chanting slogans from the 2010–2011 Arab Spring. The protests were organized by Nafas, a citizen-led initiative built around demands for water, electricity, and food security.
Beneath the demonstrations, however, lies a deeper fracture. An Arab Barometer survey published in July revealed a sharp generational divide: younger, better-educated Tunisians are more pessimistic about the country's trajectory and more trusting of civil society, while older Tunisians express greater confidence in government than at any point since the Arab Spring. Among those aged 18 to 39, 49 percent trusted civil society organizations; among those 40 and older, only 32 percent did. This gap is recent — two years prior, it barely existed.
Analysts caution against overstating what the protests signal. Saied has lost public support over his failure to improve the economy, but Tunisians face limited political alternatives and many are exhausted by years of upheaval. Many are simply trying to survive; others are seeking to leave. For now, the space for independent voices continues to narrow.
Five years into his rule, Tunisian President Kais Saied has systematically dismantled the civil society organizations that once served as a counterweight to state power. What began in July 2021 as a dissolution of parliament has evolved into a comprehensive campaign to silence independent voices, according to Human Rights Watch and activists working inside the country.
Messaoud Romdhani, a Tunisian human rights defender, described the current state plainly: civil society groups exist in shock. Organizations that dare to criticize government policy or conditions in the country face what amounts to a coordinated assault—prosecutions on money laundering charges, financial investigations, and organizational suspensions that leave activists uncertain whether they can continue their work. An anonymous activist told reporters that the uncertainty itself has become a weapon. When organizations face closure and individuals face detention, people begin to calculate the risk of speaking at all. The chilling effect spreads faster than any formal ban.
Human Rights Watch released a report documenting the scope of the crackdown. The watchdog found that authorities are deploying every available mechanism—abusive prosecutions, arbitrary detentions, financial investigations, and organizational suspensions—to close the space for independent civil society. Bassam Khawaja, a deputy director at Human Rights Watch and editor of the report, told reporters that the pattern is unmistakable: the government is attempting to shut down all opposition and independent voices. This amounts to a total crackdown on civil society in Tunisia. The organizations being targeted have historically played essential roles—holding power accountable, delivering services, and advocating for human rights. Their suppression leaves those functions unfilled.
Saied was elected democratically in 2019. In July 2021, he dissolved parliament and consolidated power, dismantling most democratic institutions, repressing political dissent, and arresting opposition figures. He has rejected accusations of authoritarianism, arguing instead that his measures are necessary to combat corruption and preserve democracy. He has accused critics of receiving foreign funding to destabilize the country. The Tunisian presidency did not respond to requests for comment.
Despite the repression, some Tunisians continue to protest. On July 25, marking five years since the power grab, thousands gathered in the capital to demonstrate against deteriorating living conditions, democratic decline, and government failures in basic services. Water and electricity outages have become widespread; Saied characterized these as deliberate acts designed to inflame public opinion. In late August, protesters returned to the streets, chanting slogans from the 2010-2011 Arab Spring: "The people want the fall of the regime." The demonstrations were organized by Nafas, a citizen-led initiative launched in May and built around demands for water, electricity, and food security.
Yet beneath the surface of these protests lies a fracture in Tunisian society. An Arab Barometer survey conducted in fall 2025 and published in July revealed a sharp generational divide. Older and less educated Tunisians view the country's political and economic situation more favorably than at any point since the Arab Spring, and they express greater trust in government than they have in the past decade. Younger, better-educated Tunisians hold the opposite view. They are more pessimistic about the country's economic and political trajectory, more skeptical of state institutions, and significantly more trusting of civil society organizations. Among Tunisians aged 18 to 39, 49 percent expressed trust in civil society groups; among those 40 and older, only 32 percent did. Michael Robbins, director of Arab Barometer, noted that this generational gap is recent and striking. Two years prior, there was almost no difference between age groups in their trust of civil society. Since then, trust among older Tunisians has fallen sharply, while trust among younger citizens has remained stable.
Tunisia's population is approximately 12 million. Those aged 18 to 39 represent roughly 30 percent of the population, while those 40 and older account for approximately 43 percent. Anthony Dworkin, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, cautioned against overstating the notion of a divided society. He also noted that the recent demonstrations, while significant, lack the scale to pose a serious threat to Saied's rule. Saied has lost considerable public support due to his failure to improve the economy, Dworkin acknowledged, but Tunisians face limited political alternatives and many are exhausted by political upheaval. Many are simply trying to survive daily life; others are seeking to emigrate. For now, the crackdown on civil society continues, and the space for independent voices narrows.
Citazioni salienti
Most civil society organizations are in a state of shock today. Those who criticize the authorities face widespread repression, most have been accused of money laundering, which leads to the suspension of their activities.— Messaoud Romdhani, Tunisian human rights activist
It is clear that the authorities are abusing every tool at their disposal to close the space for civil society in Tunisia. This amounts to a total crackdown on civil society in Tunisia.— Bassam Khawaja, Human Rights Watch deputy director
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