As the United Nations General Assembly draws 130 world leaders to New York, the gathering that may most determine humanity's near-term course is taking place elsewhere — in Washington, where Donald Trump and Xi Jinping will meet bilaterally to navigate wars, energy crises, and the contested architecture of a fracturing world order. The UN convenes amid active conflict between the US and Iran, a school bombing the UN has flagged as a potential war crime, and alliances from Riyadh to Ottawa strained to breaking point. History has often been shaped less by grand multilateral forums than by the qu
Trump-Xi Meeting Looms as Global Crises Multiply at UN Assembly
China could mediate between the US and Iran. But only if it so chooses.
So the UN General Assembly is happening, but you're saying the actual consequential meeting is Trump and Xi in Washington?
Exactly. The assembly brings together 130 countries to discuss major issues—AI, climate, the Iran war. But those are conversations. Trump and Xi meeting could actually move the needle on whether wars end or continue.
But can Trump end the Iran war? The source says it takes two to end a war, and Iran's Revolutionary Guard doesn't want to end it.
Right. That's the constraint. Trump can't unilaterally stop it. But China could pressure Iran if it had reason to—and it will, once its oil reserves start running low next year.
Why does China have more leverage than the US on Iran?
Because China brokered the Iran-Saudi deal three years ago. It has relationships. And more importantly, it has self-interest—when its energy reserves deplete, ending the war becomes economically rational for Beijing.
But the source says China's economy hasn't been badly impacted yet because it has enormous reserves. So that pressure doesn't exist right now.
Correct. Which is why the timing matters. If the war drags into next year, as Washington expects, then China's calculus changes.
What about the US allies—Saudi Arabia and Canada?
Both have been essentially abandoned. Trump rejected Saudi requests for military help against the Houthis twice in two weeks. And he's declared a trade war on Canada, which is the primary trading partner for 25 American states.
Those are significant shifts, but I want to be careful: Trump rejected military assistance requests, but the source says the US is still sharing intelligence with Saudi Arabia. It's not total abandonment.
Fair. It's a downgrade, not a cutoff. But for Saudi Arabia, that's a shock after decades of alliance.
And the Palestinian issue at the UN—that seems almost deliberately provocative.
Abbas is barred for the second year running, while Iran's president addresses the assembly from New York. The US allows an adversary's leader in while excluding a moderate Palestinian voice it has historically supported.
Il Polso
- With 120 Iranian children killed in a US strike now under UN war crimes scrutiny, the moral cost of the conflict is becoming impossible to contain diplomatically.
- China — not the US — holds the most credible leverage over Tehran, having already brokered the Iran-Saudi reconciliation in 2023, and Beijing's own depleting oil reserves may soon compel it to push Iran toward a settlement.
- America's traditional alliances are buckling: Saudi Arabia has been twice refused military aid, Canada faces a Trump-initiated trade war, and JD Vance has openly warned that the US may be Israel's last powerful friend.
- Russia is waging hybrid warfare across Eastern Europe — 138 drone and cyber attacks in a single week against Estonia, Poland, and others — while Europe scrambles to imagine security without reliable American backing.
- The UN General Assembly convenes against cascading crises in Gaza, Sudan, Myanmar, and Congo, yet the institution's capacity to resolve any of them remains deeply in doubt, with the real negotiations unfolding in Washington instead.
As the United Nations General Assembly draws 130 world leaders to New York, the gathering that may most determine humanity's near-term course is taking place elsewhere — in Washington, where Donald Trump and Xi Jinping will meet bilaterally to navigate wars, energy crises, and the contested architecture of a fracturing world order. The UN convenes amid active conflict between the US and Iran, a school bombing the UN has flagged as a potential war crime, and alliances from Riyadh to Ottawa strained to breaking point. History has often been shaped less by grand multilateral forums than by the quiet weight of two powers in a room, and this week may prove no different.
The United Nations General Assembly is meeting this week in New York, but the conversation that may actually shape the world's most dangerous crises is scheduled for Washington — a bilateral summit between Donald Trump and Xi Jinping. Observers of global power see this meeting as more consequential than anything said from the UN podium, with Iran, Ukraine, artificial intelligence governance, and the broader balance between the two superpowers all on the table.
The world has changed sharply since the assembly last convened. The United States and Iran remain in active conflict, with Iran's Revolutionary Guard showing no interest in negotiation and retaliating for what it calls unjustified American strikes — including one on a school that killed 120 children, which the UN last week said may constitute a war crime. Iran's president will address the General Assembly from American soil while his country is at war with the host nation. In the same breath, Washington has barred Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas from attending for the second year running — a contradiction that has not gone unnoticed.
China has quietly become the most consequential outside actor. Beijing brokered the Iran-Saudi reconciliation three years ago, demonstrating a mediating capacity Washington no longer possesses. For now, China's energy stockpiles shield it from the Strait of Hormuz disruptions that have cut off roughly a fifth of global oil flows — but as those reserves thin, Beijing's incentive to pressure Tehran toward a deal will grow. Xi is skipping the General Assembly entirely to go directly to Washington, a signal in itself about where the real diplomacy is happening.
America's alliance network is fraying in ways that would have seemed implausible a year ago. Saudi Arabia has been refused military assistance twice in recent weeks and told to manage the Houthi threat largely alone. Canada, the primary trading partner for a quarter of American states, is now locked in a Trump-initiated trade war. And polling from Pew and Gallup shows American public opinion has shifted toward Palestinians — a trend that prompted Vice President Vance to warn that the US may soon stand as Israel's only remaining powerful ally.
Europe is preparing for escalation. Macron has warned of intensifying Russian hybrid warfare, with 138 drone and cyber attacks recorded in a single week against countries bordering Ukraine. Poland and the Baltic states are on alert. The Ukraine conflict, which Trump once claimed he could end in a day, grinds on.
Gaza, Sudan, Myanmar, and the Democratic Republic of Congo remain in crisis with little sign of meaningful international intervention. The General Assembly will produce speeches, but the weight of this moment rests on what two men decide in Washington — and whether the world's two largest powers can find enough common ground to slow the unraveling.
The United Nations General Assembly is convening this week in New York, drawing leaders from roughly 130 countries to address the world's most pressing crises. But the meeting that will actually matter, according to observers watching the machinery of global power, will happen in Washington instead—a bilateral conversation between Donald Trump and Xi Jinping that could reshape the immediate trajectory of wars in Iran and Ukraine, the future of artificial intelligence governance, and the balance of influence between the two superpowers.
The landscape has shifted dramatically since the assembly met a year ago. Iran and the United States remain locked in active conflict, with no clear off-ramp in sight. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which controls Iran's military apparatus, has shown no appetite for negotiation. Instead, it has pursued what officials describe as political punishment against Trump, retaliating for what Iran characterizes as unjustified American strikes on its infrastructure and civilian targets. Among those strikes was an attack on an Iranian school that killed 120 children—an incident the United Nations determined last week could constitute a war crime. Iran's president, Masoud Pezeshkian, will address the General Assembly from American soil while his country remains at war with the host nation. Meanwhile, the United States has barred Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian Authority leader and a longtime advocate for a two-state solution, from entering the country for the second consecutive year. The contradiction is stark: Washington permits the leader of an adversarial nation to speak at the summit while excluding a moderate Palestinian voice it has historically championed.
China has emerged as an unexpected linchpin. Three years ago, Beijing brokered a reconciliation between Iran and Saudi Arabia, demonstrating capacity for mediation that Washington lacks. Should the Iran conflict extend into next year—a scenario many in Washington anticipate—China's own oil reserves will begin to deplete, creating incentive for Beijing to pressure Tehran toward a settlement. For now, China's vast energy stockpiles insulate it from the immediate consequences of the Strait of Hormuz closure, which has disrupted roughly one-fifth of the world's oil flows. But self-interest, as the reporting notes, has a way of shifting Beijing's calculations. China is skipping the General Assembly entirely, with Xi heading directly to Washington instead. This move itself signals where the real negotiations will occur.
The architecture of American alliances has fractured in ways that would have seemed unthinkable a year ago. Saudi Arabia, a cornerstone of Middle Eastern strategy for decades, has been rebuffed twice in recent weeks when requesting military assistance against Houthi forces. Trump has essentially told the kingdom it must fend for itself, with only shared intelligence as compensation. Canada, historically one of America's closest partners, now faces a full-scale trade war initiated by Trump against a nation that serves as the primary trading partner for 25 American states. Public sentiment in the United States has shifted as well. Polling from both Pew Research and Gallup shows Americans now express more support for Palestinians than Israelis—a reversal that has prompted Vice President JD Vance to warn that the United States may be Israel's only remaining powerful ally.
Europe is bracing for Russian aggression on multiple fronts. French President Emmanuel Macron has warned that the nature of Russian threats is evolving, with hybrid warfare tactics intensifying across the continent. Poland and other Eastern European nations are on heightened alert for potential military action. Last week alone, French media reported 138 drone and cyber attacks by Russia on countries neighboring Ukraine, including Estonia and Poland. The Ukraine conflict itself, which Trump once claimed he could resolve in a day, continues to deteriorate.
Meanwhile, conflicts in Gaza, Sudan, Myanmar, and the Democratic Republic of Congo persist with little sign of international intervention or resolution. The General Assembly convenes amid these cascading crises, yet the institution's capacity to address them remains in question. The real test will come in Washington, where Trump and Xi will determine whether the two powers can find common ground on artificial intelligence, energy markets, and the wars reshaping the global order. Few observers expect breakthrough agreements, but the meeting itself carries weight that no amount of speeches in New York can match.
Citazioni salienti
China is willing to work with fellow BRICS members to play a role in achieving peace and stability in the Middle East and the Gulf region.— Xi Jinping, at BRICS meeting in New Delhi
The nature of Russian aggression and threats in Europe is changing. No-one is safe.— Emmanuel Macron, French President