We're going to hit them very hard tonight, and tomorrow too
In the long arc of nations reaching for security through force, President Trump this week placed the United States at a new threshold — warning of imminent strikes on Iran's fortified nuclear infrastructure while accusing the American press of undermining the campaign's legitimacy. Speaking from the familiar terrain of a friendly radio interview, Trump framed the conflict not merely as a military operation but as a test of national will, one he believes the media is quietly hoping America fails. The machinery of war, as he described it, was already turning — and the next chapter, he suggested, would be written in the skies over Iran.
- Trump declared more strikes are imminent — tonight, tomorrow, whenever the moment demands — projecting a certainty that leaves little room for diplomacy or delay.
- He singled out The New York Times by name, accusing it of falsely portraying Iran as stronger post-campaign, a charge he called not just wrong but dangerous to the mission.
- Pickaxe Mountain, a deeply buried complex near Natanz, has entered the public targeting conversation — though analysts warn current U.S. bunker-busting munitions may not reach its deepest tunnels.
- Satellite imagery from late June shows vehicle movement and possible reinforcement work near the site's western entrances, complicating the president's claim that surveillance shows no nuclear activity there.
- U.S. Central Command announced the resumption of port blockades beginning Tuesday, with explicit warnings that non-compliant vessels could face military force — tightening the strategic noose around Iran's economy and supply lines.
On a Monday radio interview with Hugh Hewitt, President Trump delivered a message that wove military threat together with media grievance. The U.S. was at war with Iran, he said, and the American press — The New York Times in particular — was rooting for the other side. His evidence was Iran's condition on the ground: 301 percent inflation, a hollowed-out military, no navy, no functional air force. Yet the Times, he claimed, had suggested Iran was stronger now than before the campaign began. To Trump, that wasn't just bad journalism. It was sabotage.
The president made clear that more strikes were coming — soon, hard, and without apology. One target drew his particular attention: Pickaxe Mountain, a fortified underground complex near the already-damaged Natanz enrichment facility. Trump described it almost offhandedly, suggesting a strike was likely imminent. American surveillance, he said, showed no nuclear activity there — but every time Iran tried to resume nuclear work anywhere, the U.S. destroyed it.
What Trump left unaddressed was the quiet concern among analysts that Pickaxe Mountain's deepest tunnel complexes may lie beyond the reach of current U.S. bunker-busting munitions. International inspectors had never been permitted inside. Satellite imagery from late June showed vehicle movement and signs of ongoing construction near the western entrances — suggesting the site was neither dormant nor as vulnerable as the president's language implied.
As Trump spoke, the broader campaign was entering a new phase. U.S. Central Command announced it would resume blockades of vessels traveling to or from Iranian ports beginning Tuesday, with warnings that non-compliant ships could face military force. The president had drawn his lines. The next moves, as he framed it, belonged to the generals and the pilots.
President Trump sat down with conservative radio host Hugh Hewitt on a Monday and delivered a message that mixed military threat with media grievance. The U.S. was at war with Iran, he said, and the American press was actively rooting against him. Specifically, he accused The New York Times of portraying Iran as stronger now than it had been months earlier, before the U.S. and Israel launched their military campaign. Trump did not cite a particular article or byline, but the complaint was clear: the media wanted America to lose.
The president's case rested on what he saw as objective facts on the ground. Iran's military, he argued, had been hollowed out. The country had no navy worth mentioning, no functional air force, nothing. Meanwhile, inflation had spiraled to 301 percent, up from 5 percent. By any reasonable measure, Iran was weaker, not stronger. Yet the Times, in Trump's telling, had suggested the opposite. "They have no military, they have nothing," he said. "And the Times said, 'Oh, they're in better shape now than they were four months ago before I started.'"
But Trump was not merely defending the campaign's track record. He was preparing the country for what came next. More strikes were coming, he said—tonight, tomorrow, whenever the moment was right. "We're going to hit them very hard tonight, and we're going to hit them hard tomorrow, and there's not a damn thing they can do about it," he told Hewitt. The tone was one of certainty, almost inevitability. The military machinery was wound up and ready to turn.
One target in particular occupied his attention: Pickaxe Mountain, a heavily fortified underground complex situated near Iran's Natanz uranium enrichment facility, which had already sustained damage from earlier strikes. Trump described it almost casually, as if the decision were already made. "Pickaxe is a possible target for a nice big fat shot right near the front door," he said. American surveillance had the location under constant watch. There was no sign of nuclear activity there, Trump claimed. But that did not mean the facility was dormant or unimportant. Every time Iran tried to resume nuclear work, he said, the U.S. destroyed it. "We'll probably give Pickaxe a shot relatively soon."
What Trump did not mention—or perhaps did not know—was that Pickaxe Mountain's two deeply buried tunnel complexes may lie beyond the destructive reach of the bunker-busting ordnance the U.S. military currently possesses, according to analysis by Reuters. International inspectors had never been allowed inside. Satellite imagery from late June showed vehicle movement near the western tunnel entrances and signs of ongoing construction or reinforcement work. The target, in other words, was not as vulnerable as the president's language suggested.
Trump's fundamental argument about Iran's nuclear intentions remained unchanged. If Iran ever obtained a nuclear weapon, he said, the country's leaders would use it within a day. There was no room for negotiation or containment in that worldview—only preemption and force. The media's skepticism about the campaign, in this frame, was not just bad journalism. It was dangerous. It undermined the mission.
As Trump spoke, the machinery of war was shifting into a new phase. U.S. Central Command announced that it would resume a blockade of vessels traveling to or from Iranian ports beginning Tuesday. Humanitarian shipments would be permitted, the military said, but any ship that refused to comply would face the possibility of military action. The noose was tightening. The president had made his position clear. The next moves belonged to the generals and the pilots.
Notable Quotes
They have no Navy, have no Air Force, have no anything. They have no military, they have nothing.— President Trump, describing Iran's military capabilities
Pickaxe is a possible target for a nice big fat shot right near the front door.— President Trump, on the underground complex near Natanz
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
When Trump says the media wants America to lose, what does he actually mean by that?
He's saying that by reporting Iran as stronger or more resilient, outlets like the Times are demoralizing the American public and undermining support for the military campaign. In his view, the facts—decimated military, runaway inflation—should speak for themselves. Anything else is sabotage dressed up as journalism.
But he didn't cite a specific article. How do we know what the Times actually reported?
We don't, not from what he said. He made the accusation without naming the piece or the reporter. That's the thing—the complaint is real to him, but it's also vague enough that it can't be directly challenged or fact-checked in the moment.
What about Pickaxe Mountain? Is that a real target or a rhetorical one?
It's real. It's a fortified complex near Natanz. But the way he talked about it—casual, inevitable—glosses over the fact that it may be too hardened for the bombs we have. He's confident in the surveillance, confident in the mission. Whether the strike would actually work is a different question.
Why would he float the target publicly like that?
Psychological warfare, maybe. Or he's simply thinking out loud, the way he does. Either way, you're telling Iran and the world that you're watching, you're ready, and you're not afraid to name the place you're about to hit.
And the blockade announcement—is that connected to what he's saying?
It's the same campaign, tightening the screws. Military strikes, economic pressure, the threat of force against any ship that tries to break through. It's all of a piece. The message is: there's no way out of this.