Trump Orders DOJ Not to Appeal Ruling Loosening 90-Year-Old Gun Restrictions

The regulatory provisions must be enjoined as unconstitutional
The judge's reasoning: removing the tax authority meant the entire regulatory framework collapsed.
Mark

Why did Trump personally intervene to stop the appeal? This seems like a major shift in how the Justice Department normally operates.

Mimi

The judge's ruling rested on a technical argument about the tax authority Congress removed last year. Once that tax disappeared, the judge said the regulatory framework built on it became unconstitutional. Trump appears to have decided the case was unwinnable on appeal, so he ordered the DOJ not to fight it.

Luke

But we should be clear: Justice Department lawyers disagreed with that assessment. Multiple sources say they believed they had reasonable arguments to defend the law under the Commerce Clause. So this wasn't a legal judgment—it was a political one.

Mark

What actually changes for gun owners on the ground?

Mimi

People can now legally possess silencers, short-barreled rifles, and short-barreled shotguns without the federal registration, fingerprinting, and $200 tax that applied before. But it only applies to members of the plaintiff gun groups and their customers.

Luke

Though that's already causing confusion in prosecutions. One defendant claimed membership in a gun rights group after the ruling, and the government dropped charges against him. So the practical scope is expanding in real time.

Mark

Does this affect regular gun ownership—like AR-15s?

Mimi

No. The ruling is narrow. It doesn't touch the most common firearms, and it doesn't change the prohibition on felons owning any guns, including these newly loosened ones.

Luke

That's important context. This isn't a blanket deregulation. But the ATF data shows these weapons were already rare in crime scenes—about 5 percent of trafficking cases. So the public safety impact is probably smaller than the rhetoric suggests.

Mark

What happens next?

Mimi

The deadline to appeal is October 5. If the DOJ doesn't appeal, Congress could pass new legislation to regulate these weapons again, but that would require Democratic control of both chambers.

Luke

And even then, other parties—states, counties—might try to intervene and appeal themselves. This isn't necessarily over.

  • A Trump-appointed judge ruled in August that eliminating a $200 firearms transfer tax — buried inside last year's One Big Beautiful Bill — inadvertently collapsed the constitutional scaffolding of the entire National Firearms Act for silencers, short-barreled rifles, and shotguns.
  • Trump personally overrode his own Justice Department lawyers, who warned that not appealing would fracture federal firearms prosecutions nationwide and abandon the department's longstanding duty to defend acts of Congress.
  • The disruption is already real: in Alabama, federal prosecutors dropped a silencer charge against a man who had joined one of the plaintiff gun rights groups, illustrating how a Texas ruling is already reshaping enforcement thousands of miles away.
  • The ruling's reach is currently limited to 15 red states and affiliated gun rights organizations — not the general public — but the October 5 appeal deadline looms, and outside parties may yet seek to intervene.
  • Legal observers warn this could be the slow unraveling of one of America's foundational gun laws, with one former ATF counsel noting the tax provision may accomplish in a single bill what no court or Congress managed in ninety years.

For the first time in nine decades, the legal architecture surrounding some of America's most tightly controlled firearms is beginning to come apart — not through legislation, but through a judicial ruling that President Trump has chosen not to contest. A federal judge in Texas, appointed by Trump, determined that the One Big Beautiful Bill Act's elimination of a key tax effectively severed the constitutional foundation of the National Firearms Act of 1934, freeing short-barreled rifles, shotguns, and silencers from their long-regulated status for certain groups. In declining to appeal — against the counsel of his own Justice Department — Trump has placed a ninety-year-old framework of public safety law on uncertain ground, raising questions about who defends the laws a democracy enacts when the executive branch steps aside.

President Trump has directed the Justice Department not to appeal a federal ruling that dismantles restrictions on short-barreled rifles, short-barreled shotguns, and silencers — weapons that have required federal registration, fingerprinting, and ATF approval since 1934. The decision, confirmed by sources familiar with the matter, marks a significant break from nearly a century of firearms regulation under the National Firearms Act.

The ruling originated with U.S. District Judge James Wesley Hendrix, a Trump appointee in the Northern District of Texas, who concluded in August that the NFA's regulatory framework could no longer stand after Congress eliminated the $200 transfer tax on these weapons in last year's One Big Beautiful Bill Act. With the taxing power gone, Hendrix reasoned, so too went the constitutional basis for the restrictions built upon it. Trump not only accepted that reasoning — he told Republican members of Congress he would ensure the Justice Department did not fight it.

That decision put Trump at odds with his own legal advisors. Career and politically appointed DOJ lawyers warned that allowing the ruling to stand was already disrupting federal firearms prosecutions and violated the department's traditional obligation to defend laws passed by Congress. The consequences are tangible: in Alabama, prosecutors dropped a silencer charge after the defendant joined one of the plaintiff gun rights groups, even as the government disputed the legal logic behind doing so.

The ruling's scope is currently bounded — it covers 15 red states and affiliated gun rights organizations, not the general public, and it leaves untouched AR-15s, Glocks, machine guns, and the prohibition on felons owning firearms. But the October 5 appeal deadline approaches, and outside parties could still seek to intervene. Congress could also act to reinstate the tax or pass new legislation, though that path would likely require Democratic control of both chambers.

The stakes are not lost on those watching closely. A former ATF counsel observed that the tax provision in the One Big Beautiful Bill may accomplish something no court, Congress, or administration has managed in ninety years: the effective elimination of the National Firearms Act itself.

President Trump has ordered the Justice Department not to appeal a federal court ruling that dismantles restrictions on firearms that have been tightly controlled for more than nine decades. The decision, confirmed to CBS News by sources with knowledge of the matter, will allow Americans to more freely possess and sell short-barreled rifles, short-barreled shotguns, and silencers—weapons that have required detailed federal applications, fingerprinting, and ATF registration since the National Firearms Act became law in 1934.

The ruling came from U.S. District Judge James Wesley Hendrix, a Trump appointee in the Northern District of Texas, who determined in August that most of the restrictions on these specialized firearms exceed Congress's constitutional authority. The judge's reasoning hinged on a provision in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act passed last year, which eliminated a $200 tax on the transfer or manufacture of weapons regulated under the National Firearms Act. By removing the government's taxing power over these arms, Hendrix concluded, the regulatory framework that had rested on that tax authority could no longer stand. Trump himself decided against appealing the decision, and he has also told Republican members of Congress in recent weeks that he would ensure the Justice Department did not contest it.

The move contradicts the advice of multiple career and politically appointed lawyers within the Justice Department, who have warned that allowing the ruling to stand already disrupts federal firearms prosecutions across the country. These attorneys have cited the department's longstanding "duty to defend"—a legal principle holding that the Justice Department has a constitutional obligation to defend laws enacted by Congress when reasonable arguments can be made in their support. A Justice Department official said the department intends to notify Congress that it will not appeal. The ATF, meanwhile, announced it will issue guidance to implement the court's order.

The scope of the ruling is narrower than it might initially appear. It applies only to the parties in the lawsuit—15 red states and gun rights organizations including the Gun Owners of America and the Gun Owners Foundation—though the judge extended coverage to current and future members of those groups. The decision does not touch the nation's most common firearms, such as AR-15s and Glock pistols, which remain regulated under different federal law. Machine guns and explosive devices also remain subject to the National Firearms Act's primary restrictions. Critically, the prohibition on felons and other prohibited persons from owning firearms persists regardless of the ruling.

The practical consequences are already visible in federal prosecutions. In one case in the Middle District of Alabama, the Justice Department dismissed an indictment against a man named Cameron Silmon, who was charged with knowingly receiving a silencer without a serial number, after his defense attorney argued that Silmon had joined one of the plaintiff gun rights groups after the Texas judge issued the injunction. The prosecutor, Assistant Attorney General Bren McMaken, wrote that the government disagreed with the claim that a Texas judge could prevent federal prosecutors in Alabama from enforcing federal law, but the government dropped the charge anyway. Silmon now faces different charges, including illegal possession of a machine gun, which remains covered by the National Firearms Act.

Historically, the weapons affected by this ruling have been uncommon in criminal investigations. Between 2017 and 2021, firearms regulated under the National Firearms Act accounted for roughly 5 percent of closed gun-trafficking investigations, according to ATF data. Yet high-profile cases have involved them: Luigi Mangione, who pleaded guilty last month to killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson on a Manhattan street, used a silencer on his weapon. Emma Brown, executive director of the gun control organization GIFFORDS, characterized the decision not to appeal as a "failure to defend public safety," warning that it could return the country to an era when silencers and short-barreled shotguns were tools of organized crime.

The deadline to appeal the ruling is October 5. Even if the Justice Department does not appeal, other parties—states, counties, or interested organizations—could potentially ask the court for permission to intervene and appeal on their own. Congress could also reinstate the tax or pass new legislation to regulate these weapons, though doing so would likely require Democrats to control both the House and Senate. Jeffrey Cohen, a former associate chief counsel at the ATF, observed that the tax provision in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act "may ultimately do what no court, no Congress, and no administration has done in ninety years eliminate: the National Firearms Act, one of the primary American gun laws."

The Trump Administration could bring us back to the days of Al Capone, where silencers and short-barreled shotguns were used to recklessly kill people
— Emma Brown, executive director of GIFFORDS, a gun control organization
The 'Big Beautiful Bill' provision that quietly zeroed out the tax may ultimately do what no court, no Congress, and no administration has done in ninety years eliminate: the National Firearms Act, one of the primary American gun laws
— Jeffrey Cohen, former associate chief counsel at the ATF
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