Trump claims Iran 'negotiating on fumes' as U.S. strikes continue amid fragile talks

We're not done fighting, because the Iranian regime isn't done.
A former Israeli military official expresses doubt that any ceasefire agreement will hold long-term.
Mark

So Trump is saying Iran is weak in these talks, but he's also ordering strikes. Doesn't that undercut the negotiating position?

Mimi

Not necessarily in Trump's view. He sees the strikes as defensive—responding to Iranian drone launches—and he's using them to show he won't be pushed around. It's a way of saying: we're willing to make a deal, but only on our terms.

Luke

But we should be clear about what "defensive" means here. The U.S. shot down drones and hit a control station. Iran says those drones were responding to earlier U.S. strikes on Monday. So the question of who's defending against whom depends on where you start the timeline.

Mark

What's the actual sticking point? Is it the uranium?

Mimi

Uranium is one piece. Iran has 972 pounds of highly enriched uranium, and Trump wants it gone. But the real problem is how it leaves. Trump won't let Russia or China take it, but those are the countries Iran trusts most. It's a catch-22.

Luke

And we don't know if Iran has actually agreed to give it up at all. The reporting says Iran hasn't publicly committed to surrendering the stockpile. So we're talking about a deal framework where one of the central demands is still unresolved.

Mark

What about the Lebanon piece?

Mimi

That's where it gets messier. Iran wants any ceasefire to cover Israeli operations against Hezbollah in Lebanon. But the draft agreement gives Israel wiggle room to act in self-defense. So you have two sides claiming victory on the same clause.

Luke

And Israel is actively fighting Hezbollah right now. So this isn't theoretical. If the ceasefire holds but Israel keeps operating, Iran could claim the deal was broken immediately.

Mark

Trump also wants these other countries to join the Abraham Accords. How realistic is that?

Mimi

Not very. Saudi Arabia wants a Palestinian state guaranteed first. Israel won't accept that. When Trump pitched it to Gulf leaders, they apparently went silent.

Luke

Apparently is the key word. One person said stunned silence. Another person said some responded positively. We're working with conflicting accounts of a private call. What we know for certain is that Saudi Arabia has stated its precondition publicly, and that precondition is a non-starter for Israel.

  • U.S. forces shot down four Iranian drones and struck a launch control station in Bandar Abbas on Wednesday, even as Trump insisted Iran was negotiating from a position of exhaustion.
  • Iran's 972-pound stockpile of uranium enriched to 60 percent purity sits at the center of the talks, with no agreement yet on where that material would go or who would take it.
  • Republican senators Wicker, Graham, and Cruz are sounding alarms that the emerging framework too closely mirrors the Obama-era nuclear deal Trump himself abandoned — threatening a revolt from his own base.
  • Trump's demand that Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Pakistan join the Abraham Accords as part of any settlement met what Gulf officials described as stunned silence on a weekend call with regional leaders.
  • A fragile ceasefire holds while Israeli and Hezbollah forces continue clashing in southern Lebanon, and Iran insists any deal must cover those proxy conflicts — a condition Israel flatly resists.
  • Trump's warning that the U.S. would 'finish the job' if talks collapse signals that the diplomatic window, though open, is narrow and shadowed by the threat of resumed military escalation.

Three months into an undeclared war with Iran, President Trump is simultaneously projecting military force and pursuing a diplomatic settlement — a dual posture that reflects the ancient tension between the sword and the treaty. U.S. forces struck Iranian drone infrastructure near the Strait of Hormuz even as negotiators worked toward a framework that would constrain Iran's nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief. The emerging deal, however, is drawing fire not only from Tehran but from within Trump's own Republican coalition, who fear it echoes the very agreement he once dismantled. Whether the space between ambition and reality can be closed before the weight of war, politics, and regional complexity collapses the effort remains the defining question.

President Trump opened his Wednesday Cabinet meeting with a confident claim: Iran was running out of leverage after nearly three months of conflict. At that same moment, U.S. military forces were shooting down four Iranian attack drones near the Strait of Hormuz and striking a ground control station in Bandar Abbas preparing to launch a fifth. The message was intentional — strength and diplomacy, delivered simultaneously.

Trump brushed aside suggestions that November's midterm elections might push him toward a hasty deal. Yet the political pressures were real. The conflict had grown unpopular among Republicans, and rising fuel prices were souring the national mood. A deal that reopened the Strait and capped Iran's nuclear ambitions would serve him well — but the emerging framework was already drawing criticism from within his own party. Senators Wicker, Graham, and Cruz warned it bore uncomfortable resemblance to the Obama-era nuclear agreement Trump had once torn up.

The core of the proposed deal would require Iran to surrender its stockpile of uranium enriched to 60 percent purity — the International Atomic Energy Agency had documented 972 pounds of it — in exchange for sanctions relief. How that uranium would be disposed of remained unresolved. Trump ruled out Russia or China as recipients, even though both nations had the closest ties to Tehran and might be the only parties Iran would accept.

Lebanon added another fault line. Iran demanded that any ceasefire cover Israeli operations against Hezbollah, while Israel insisted on its right to respond to imminent threats. Israeli and Hezbollah forces were still clashing along a strategic river in southern Lebanon, and former Israeli military spokesperson Jonathan Conricus was blunt: he expected Iran to use any sanctions relief to rearm its proxies. 'We're not done fighting, because the Iranian regime isn't done,' he said.

Trump also attached a sweeping new condition: he wanted Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Pakistan to join the Abraham Accords as part of any settlement. Saudi Arabia, the most coveted prize, had already made Palestinian statehood a precondition for normalization — a demand Israel rejected outright. When Trump pressed the vision on a weekend call with regional leaders, Gulf officials described the response as stunned silence. The White House disputed that account, but the gap between Trump's optimism and the diplomatic reality on the ground appeared wide.

'They want very much to make a deal,' Trump said of Iran. 'So far, they haven't gotten there.' He added that if negotiations failed, the U.S. would 'finish the job' — a phrase that left little ambiguity about what came next. The ceasefire remained fragile, the sticking points numerous, and the distance between the two sides uncertain.

President Trump sat down with his Cabinet on Wednesday morning with a confident assertion: Iran was running on empty in negotiations to end a war that had now stretched nearly three months. Even as he spoke, U.S. military forces were conducting what the Pentagon termed defensive operations in the Persian Gulf—shooting down four Iranian attack drones near the Strait of Hormuz and striking a ground control station in Bandar Abbas that was preparing to launch a fifth.

The timing was deliberate. Trump wanted to project strength while talks continued, and he wanted to send a message that he would not be rushed by the calendar. When asked whether the midterm elections in November might pressure him toward a quick settlement, he was dismissive. "They thought they were gonna outwait me," he said. "I don't care about the midterms." Yet the political reality was more complicated. The conflict had become unpopular with Republicans, and rising fuel prices were darkening the national mood. A deal that could be framed as a victory—one that reopened the Strait of Hormuz and demonstrated that Iran's nuclear ambitions had been constrained—would serve Trump's political interests. But the emerging agreement was already exposing him to criticism from his own party.

Senators Roger Wicker of Mississippi, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, and Ted Cruz of Texas had begun raising alarms. They worried the deal too closely resembled the nuclear agreement that Trump himself had abandoned during his first term. The framework under discussion would require Iran to surrender its stockpile of highly enriched uranium—a key Trump demand—in exchange for sanctions relief. According to regional officials and a senior Trump administration figure, the specifics of how Iran would dispose of that uranium remained unresolved. Some would likely be diluted; the rest would be transferred to a third country. But Trump said he would not be comfortable with Russia or China taking possession of it, even though those two nations had the closest ties to Tehran and might be the most acceptable to Iranian leadership. The International Atomic Energy Agency had documented that Iran possessed 972 pounds of uranium enriched to 60 percent purity, a technical step away from the 90 percent needed for weapons-grade material.

Another fault line had opened over Lebanon. Iran had insisted that any ceasefire agreement must cover Israeli operations against Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militant group operating in southern Lebanon. The emerging memorandum of understanding attempted to thread this needle by calling for a ceasefire between the U.S. and its allies against Iran and its proxies, while simultaneously affirming Israel's right to defend itself against imminent threats. Israeli forces and Hezbollah fighters were continuing to clash along a strategic river in southern Lebanon, with Israeli troops pushing northward. Jonathan Conricus, a former Israeli military spokesperson, expressed skepticism that any deal would hold. He predicted Iran would quickly redirect sanctions relief toward rebuilding its military and strengthening proxy groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. "We're not done fighting, because the Iranian regime isn't done," he said.

Trump had also attached a new condition to the agreement: he wanted several additional countries—Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Pakistan—to join the Abraham Accords, the diplomatic framework from his first term aimed at normalizing relations with Israel. He described this as a strong request, but the ambition appeared to exceed the political reality on the ground. Saudi Arabia, the most powerful Arab nation and the prize Trump most coveted, had made clear that establishing a guaranteed path to Palestinian statehood was a precondition for any normalization with Israel—a demand Israel firmly rejected. When Trump pushed this vision during a call with Middle Eastern leaders over the weekend, the response was telling. Barbara Leaf, a retired U.S. ambassador to the United Arab Emirates, said Gulf officials who participated in the call described it as meeting "stunned silence." A person familiar with the conversation disputed that characterization, claiming some regional allies had responded positively, but the gap between Trump's optimism and the actual diplomatic landscape appeared substantial.

Trump acknowledged Wednesday that work remained to be done. "They want very much to make a deal," he said of Iran. "So far, they haven't gotten there. We're not satisfied with it, but we will be—either that or we'll have to just finish the job." The phrase carried an implicit threat: if negotiations failed, military action would resume. The U.S. had already demonstrated its willingness to strike this week, and the ceasefire that had held for weeks remained fragile. What remained unclear was whether the gap between the two sides could be bridged before political pressure, military escalation, or the sheer complexity of the regional dynamics pulled the talks apart.

They thought they were gonna outwait me. I don't care about the midterms.
— President Trump, dismissing concerns that election timing might pressure him toward a quick deal
We're not done fighting, because the Iranian regime isn't done.
— Jonathan Conricus, former Israeli military spokesperson, on whether any ceasefire will hold
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