Thousands attend funeral of convicted war criminal Ratko Mladić in Belgrade

Mladić's forces killed approximately 8,000 Bosniak Muslim men and boys in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre and over 10,000 people during the siege of Sarajevo, with survivors and victims' families expressing anguish at his glorification.
He should be remembered only as a butcher.
A Sarajevo woman whose son was killed during the siege rejects the heroic narrative surrounding Mladić's funeral.
Mark

Why did thousands of people attend the funeral of someone convicted of genocide? That seems almost incomprehensible from outside Serbia.

Mimi

Because Mladić represents something different to many Serbs than he does to the rest of Europe. He's seen as a defender of the nation, a protector. The war crimes tribunal convicted him, yes, but that verdict hasn't reshaped how he's remembered in Serbian media or taught in schools.

Luke

But we should be careful here. The source says "many Serbs" see him as a hero, and that's true in certain regions and among certain groups. It's not universal across Serbia. The fact that government ministers attended is significant, but it's also a choice those individuals made—not necessarily reflective of all Serbian government policy.

Mark

The EU came down hard on this. What's at stake for Serbia?

Mimi

EU membership. Serbia's been a candidate since 2012, but membership talks have stalled. The EU sees genocide denial and the glorification of war criminals as fundamentally incompatible with European values. This funeral, especially with official participation, signals to Brussels that Serbia hasn't fully reckoned with its past.

Luke

Though we should note the source doesn't say the EU has formally threatened to revoke Serbia's candidacy over this specific funeral. The warning is real, but the exact consequences aren't spelled out in what we have.

Mark

What about the people who lost family members? How are they experiencing this?

Mimi

Devastated. A woman in Sarajevo whose nine-year-old son was killed during the siege said it was "really horrible" that the funeral was happening. She said Mladić should be remembered only as a butcher, not promoted as a hero.

Luke

That's one voice, and it's powerful, but the source only gives us one direct quote from a victim's family. There are thousands of survivors and bereaved people across Bosnia and Serbia. We're hearing from one perspective, which matters, but we shouldn't generalize it as the universal experience.

Mark

So what's the real problem here? Is it that Serbia hasn't processed the war, or that it's actively choosing not to?

Mimi

Both, probably. The war crimes tribunal created an incredibly detailed historical record of what Mladić did. But Serbian media and schools haven't reflected that record. They depict him as a loyal soldier doing his duty, not as someone who orchestrated genocide.

Luke

The source attributes that analysis to one expert from the Institute of War and Peace Reporting. It's a credible observation, but it's one analyst's assessment of how Serbian media and education work. The broader claim—that post-conflict societies struggle with national reckoning—that's a real pattern, but it's not specific to Serbia.

  • A convicted génocidaire responsible for roughly 8,000 deaths at Srebrenica and over 10,000 during the siege of Sarajevo was buried in Belgrade with the trappings of a national hero, his coffin draped in flags bearing his own image.
  • Government ministers, the Serbian Orthodox Patriarch, and crowds bused in from across Serbia and Bosnia transformed what was meant to be a private burial into a mass act of public veneration.
  • The European Union responded with rare sharpness, warning that genocide denial and the glorification of war criminals are incompatible with EU membership — a direct threat to Serbia's already stalled accession bid.
  • Survivors like Zdravka Gvozdjar, whose nine-year-old son was killed during the Sarajevo siege, watched the ceremony in anguish, calling it 'really horrible' and demanding Mladić be remembered only as a butcher.
  • The funeral has cracked open the deeper fracture at the heart of the Balkans: a generation after the war, Serbia's public memory and its legal accountability remain in profound, unresolved conflict.

In Belgrade, thousands gathered to mourn a man the world's courts had condemned as a génocidaire — a moment that revealed how differently a single life can be written depending on which side of a war's wound you stand. Ratko Mladić, who died at 84 in a UN prison cell while serving a life sentence for the Srebrenica massacre, was carried home on a government plane and buried with the honors of a national hero, even as the European Union warned that such glorification has no place among civilized nations. The funeral did not merely mark the end of one man's life; it illuminated the unfinished, perhaps unfinishable, work of post-conflict reckoning — the distance between a court's verdict and a people's memory.

Ratko Mladić was buried in Belgrade on a September afternoon in 2026, and thousands came to say farewell to a man the world had convicted of genocide. He was 84 when he died in a UN prison cell in The Hague, still serving the life sentence handed down for orchestrating the 1995 Srebrenica massacre — Europe's worst atrocity since the Second World War — in which roughly 8,000 Bosniak Muslim men and boys were systematically killed. In Serbia, and among Bosnian Serb nationalists, he had never ceased to be a hero.

The funeral became a flashpoint almost immediately. Plans for a formal state funeral were quietly abandoned after European objections, but the event retained a striking degree of official character. Serbia's Defence and Justice Ministers attended. The Serbian Orthodox Patriarch led the service and declared that Mladić's name would remain 'deeply etched in the memory and prayers' of the Serbian Orthodox people. The coffin had been flown home on a government aircraft, carried by six soldiers. Free buses brought mourners from towns across Serbia and Bosnia. Outside St Luka church, army veterans stood in the sun wearing flags printed with his photograph, while inside, men who had served under him stood guard over the coffin.

The European Union responded swiftly, warning that glorification of war criminals, genocide denial, and revisionism 'contradict the most fundamental European values' and have no place in any EU candidate country. Serbia has held candidate status since 2012, but membership talks have long stalled — and the funeral's official dimensions threatened to deepen that impasse.

For survivors, the spectacle was something far more painful than a diplomatic incident. Zdravka Gvozdjar, a Sarajevo woman whose nine-year-old son was killed by Mladić's forces during the siege that claimed more than 10,000 lives, called the funeral 'really horrible,' saying he deserved to be erased from memory, not celebrated. Her words pointed to the fracture the funeral had laid bare: three decades on, the Balkans remain divided not only by borders and politics, but by irreconcilable accounts of what happened — and who bears responsibility for it.

Ratko Mladić was buried in Belgrade on a September afternoon in 2026, and thousands came to say goodbye to a man the world had convicted of genocide. He was 84 when he died in a UN prison cell in The Hague, still serving the life sentence imposed on him five years earlier for orchestrating the 1995 Srebrerica massacre, in which roughly 8,000 Bosniak Muslim men and boys were systematically killed. That massacre stands as Europe's worst atrocity since the Second World War. Yet in Serbia, particularly among Serb nationalists and in the Bosnian Serb entity of Republika Srpska, Mladić had never stopped being a hero—a national protector, a symbol of defiance.

The funeral itself became a flashpoint. A Serbian government minister had initially announced plans for a state funeral, but European leaders objected, and those plans were quietly shelved. Still, the event proceeded with remarkable official presence. The Defence Minister Bratislav Gašić and the Minister of Justice Nenad Vujić attended, standing among the crowds outside St Luka church as people filed past the coffin. The Serbian Orthodox Church's Patriarch Porfirije led the service and declared that Mladić's name would remain "deeply etched in the memory and prayers of the majority of our Serbian Orthodox people," speaking of gratitude toward him. The coffin itself had been flown back to Serbia on a government plane, carried from the aircraft by six soldiers, and draped in flags bearing his image.

By morning, long queues had formed outside the small church. Army veterans stood in the sun, many wearing flags printed with Mladić's photograph. Organizers had arranged free bus services from towns across Serbia and from Bosnia for anyone who wished to attend. Before the funeral even began, crowds gathered to light candles, a choir singing over loudspeakers. Inside, men who had served under him stood guard over the coffin while his wife, son, and grandchildren received condolences. The night before, supporters of the Serbian football club Red Star Belgrade had unveiled a display honoring Mladić ahead of their derby match.

The European Union responded swiftly and sharply. In a statement released on Monday, the EU said Mladić was "a convicted war criminal who had committed war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity." The bloc warned that "any glorification of war criminals, genocide denial and revisionism contradict the most fundamental European values and have no place in the EU or in EU candidate countries." Serbia has been a candidate for EU membership since 2012, though membership talks have stalled in recent years. The funeral, and the official participation in it, risked further complicating that already difficult path.

Mladić had commanded Bosnian Serb forces during the 1992 to 1995 war, directing campaigns of ethnic cleansing meant to expel non-Serbian populations by force. His troops besieged Sarajevo for years, and more than 10,000 people died in that siege alone. He evaded capture for 16 years after his initial indictment, finally arrested in 2011. His trial lasted nine years before he was convicted and sentenced to life in 2021. The UN war crimes tribunal produced what one observer called "an incredibly detailed historical record" of his crimes. Yet that record had not penetrated Serbian public consciousness in the way it might have. Pro-government media outlets, according to analysts who followed the trial closely, depicted him as a loyal soldier simply doing his duty. The Serbian education system, they noted, had not adequately reflected the true scale of his crimes or centered the voices of victims and survivors.

For those who had lived through the war, the funeral was something else entirely. Zdravka Gvozdjar, a woman in Sarajevo whose nine-year-old son was killed by Mladić's forces during the siege, told Reuters that the funeral was "really horrible." She said Mladić "deserved to be erased from memory for good, not to be promoted as a hero." He should be remembered, she said, "only as a butcher." Her words and those of other survivors pointed to a deeper fracture in how the Balkans had processed the violence of the 1990s—a fracture that the funeral had now laid bare. Post-conflict societies, observers noted, face an extraordinarily difficult task in reckoning with their own past and acknowledging responsibility for atrocities committed in their name. Serbia's struggle with that reckoning, made visible in the crowds at Mladić's funeral and in the EU's swift condemnation, suggested that struggle was far from over.

He deserved to be erased from memory for good, not to be promoted as a hero.
— Zdravka Gvozdjar, a Sarajevo resident whose nine-year-old son was killed by Mladić's forces
Ratko Mladić was a convicted war criminal who had committed war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. Any glorification of war criminals, genocide denial and revisionism contradict the most fundamental European values.
— European Union statement
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