For nearly a century, Congress has tried to build certain federal agencies as shelters from political storms — places where expertise and continuity might outlast any single administration. Now the Supreme Court, in a temporary but telling move, has allowed President Trump's dismissal of two such agency officials to stand while the deeper question is argued: does the Constitution permit Congress to limit a president's power to remove those who govern in his name? The answer, when it comes, will not merely settle two careers — it will redraw the boundary between democratic accountability and in
Supreme Court temporarily allows Trump to fire independent agency officials
Congress could prevent a president from firing these officials at will
Why does it matter that these two people were fired? They're federal employees. Can't a president just remove people who work for him?
Normally, yes. But Congress created these boards with fixed terms specifically because it wanted them to operate independently, insulated from political pressure. When you remove someone mid-term without cause, you're saying the president's power to control overrides Congress's power to design the agency structure. That's the constitutional question.
So the Supreme Court is going to decide whether Congress can actually protect these agencies from the president?
Exactly. There's a ninety-year-old precedent that says Congress can. But Trump's administration is arguing that precedent is wrong—that a president needs unfettered control over anyone exercising executive power. If the Court agrees, it changes everything about how independent agencies work.
What happens to Wilcox and Harris in the meantime?
Right now, they're fired. The temporary stay means the lower court orders blocking their terminations are paused. They have until mid-April to argue their case to the Supreme Court. But the practical effect is that their agencies are operating without them, without quorum, unable to make decisions.
And if Trump wins this case?
Then any president could fire the heads of any independent agency whenever they want, for any reason or no reason. It would fundamentally alter the relationship between the executive branch and Congress's ability to design agencies that aren't purely political instruments.
This seems like it could affect a lot more than just these two people.
It absolutely does. Trump has already fired dozens of independent agency officials. This case will determine whether all of those firings were legal, and whether future presidents can do the same.
El Pulso
- President Trump fired two Biden-appointed agency heads without cause, stripping their boards of quorum and halting their ability to function.
- Lower courts reversed and reinstated the officials in a rapid legal back-and-forth before the administration rushed an emergency appeal to the Supreme Court.
- Chief Justice Roberts issued an administrative stay within minutes, temporarily permitting the firings to stand and signaling the Court's willingness to engage.
- The administration is openly targeting a 90-year-old precedent — Humphrey's Executor — that has long shielded independent agencies from presidential removal power.
- The Court's full ruling could dismantle the legal architecture protecting dozens of independent agencies Congress designed to operate beyond any president's reach.
For nearly a century, Congress has tried to build certain federal agencies as shelters from political storms — places where expertise and continuity might outlast any single administration. Now the Supreme Court, in a temporary but telling move, has allowed President Trump's dismissal of two such agency officials to stand while the deeper question is argued: does the Constitution permit Congress to limit a president's power to remove those who govern in his name? The answer, when it comes, will not merely settle two careers — it will redraw the boundary between democratic accountability and institutional independence.
On a Wednesday evening, the Supreme Court paused lower court orders that had blocked President Trump from firing two federal officials — Gwynne Wilcox of the National Labor Relations Board and Cathy Harris of the Merit Systems Protection Board. Chief Justice Roberts issued the temporary freeze minutes after the administration filed an emergency petition, giving both women until April 15 to respond.
Trump had dismissed both shortly after taking office, offering no stated reason. Each had been appointed by President Biden to serve fixed terms — five years for Wilcox, seven for Harris — terms Congress had deliberately written into law to keep these agencies insulated from political turnover. When they were removed, their boards lost quorum and could no longer function.
Both women sued and won reinstatement at the district level. The appellate court briefly reversed that ruling, then reversed again, producing a legal back-and-forth that prompted Solicitor General John Sauer to seek Supreme Court intervention. His argument was pointed: a president must be able to control those who exercise executive power on his behalf, and congressional limits on removal improperly undermine that authority.
Beneath the immediate dispute lies a far larger ambition. The Trump administration is pressing the Court to overturn Humphrey's Executor v. United States, a 1935 precedent that has for ninety years restricted presidents from firing independent agency officials without cause. A ruling in Trump's favor would not simply decide the fate of two employees — it would determine whether the entire framework of independent agencies, built by Congress over generations, can endure.
On Wednesday, the Supreme Court hit pause on orders that had blocked President Trump from firing two federal officials he had dismissed without explanation. Chief Justice John Roberts issued what's called an administrative stay—a temporary freeze on the lower courts' decisions—just minutes after the Trump administration rushed an emergency request to the nation's highest court. The two people at the center of the dispute, Gwynne Wilcox of the National Labor Relations Board and Cathy Harris of the Merit Systems Protection Board, now have until April 15 to file their response.
The case cuts to something fundamental: how much power does a president actually have over the people who run the agencies beneath him? Trump fired both women shortly after taking office. Neither dismissal came with a stated reason. Both had been appointed by President Biden to lead their respective boards, and both were supposed to serve fixed terms—Wilcox for five years, Harris for seven. Congress had written those term limits into law specifically to keep these agencies from becoming political playthings, to insulate them from the whims of whoever occupied the White House. When Trump removed them, the boards lost their quorums, which meant they could no longer function effectively.
Wilcox and Harris sued. A federal district court in Washington agreed with them, ruling the firings unlawful and reinstating them to their posts. The appellate court briefly reversed that decision, allowing the terminations to stand, but then the full court panel reversed course again and put both women back in their jobs. It was a legal ping-pong match that caught the attention of the Trump administration's legal team. Solicitor General John Sauer filed an emergency petition asking the Supreme Court to step in, arguing that the case raised questions of "profound" constitutional importance.
Sauer's argument was direct: a president must be able to supervise and control the heads of agencies that exercise executive power on his behalf. If Congress could prevent a president from firing these officials at will, he contended, it would improperly insulate them from presidential control. The NLRB enforces federal labor law. The MSPB handles federal workplace complaints and disputes. Both wield substantial authority. In Sauer's view, allowing them to operate independently would infringe on the president's constitutional powers.
What makes this case historically significant is what it's really about. Trump is signaling that he wants the Supreme Court to overturn a precedent set ninety years ago in a case called Humphrey's Executor v. United States. That 1935 decision restricted a president's ability to fire officials of independent agencies without cause. It's been the law of the land for nearly a century. If the Court agrees to hear the case and rules in Trump's favor, it could fundamentally reshape the balance between executive and legislative power, potentially allowing presidents to remove agency heads at will, regardless of what Congress intended.
This is not an isolated incident. Since taking office, Trump has fired numerous independent agency workers and watchdogs, triggering a wave of lawsuits challenging the legality of those terminations. Wilcox's and Harris's case is on track to be the first of these disputes to reach the Supreme Court for full review. Roberts's temporary stay means that for now, their firings are permitted to stand while the legal process unfolds. The Court's eventual decision will determine not just whether these two can be fired without cause, but whether the entire architecture of independent agencies—built by Congress over decades to operate free from direct presidential control—can survive.
Citas Notables
Whether the President can supervise and control agency heads who exercise vast executive power on the President's behalf, or whether Congress may insulate those agency heads from presidential control by preventing the President from removing them at will— Solicitor General John Sauer, in emergency petition to Supreme Court