Each year, Germany's crime statistics become a battleground for competing narratives about belonging and danger — but a new study by sociologist Susann Prätor and her colleagues reveals that the numbers themselves are shaped by something prior to crime: who gets reported. When systematic reporting bias is accounted for, the apparent gap between German and non-German offending rates shrinks considerably, and what remains is explained largely by age, gender, and childhood experience rather than culture or nationality. The research invites a quieter, harder question — not who commits crime, but w
Study: Reporting bias, not behavior, explains crime statistics gap between Germans and foreigners
More than 99% do not commit any serious violent crimes at all.
So the study is saying the crime statistics are basically wrong?
Not wrong exactly—they're recording what actually gets reported. But reporting itself is biased. German offenders are reported to police at half the rate of foreign offenders who commit similar crimes.
How do we know that? How do researchers measure unreported crime?
Representative surveys. They ask people about crimes they've experienced or witnessed, whether or not they reported them. It's a standard criminological method.
And when you adjust for that bias, the gap shrinks from 2.6 times to 1.7 times. That's still a real difference though.
It is. But then you have to ask why. Prétor's research suggests it's mostly demographic—the foreign population is younger and more male, and young men commit more crimes everywhere.
What about that 10 percent versus 5 percent figure on attitudes toward violence? That seems to suggest a cultural difference.
Prétor actually pushes back on that interpretation. She says it's about family experience with violence, not culture. If you grow up in a home where violence is common, your relationship to it changes.
So the real story is that we've been misreading the statistics?
More that we've been reading only half the story. The statistics show what gets reported, not what actually happens. And the reporting itself reflects patterns of policing and community trust, not just behavior.
But Prétor does acknowledge the 1.7 times figure remains after adjustment. So there is still a measurable difference in crime rates.
Yes, but it's much smaller than the headlines suggest, and it's explained by factors like age and gender, not by anything inherent to being foreign.
What does she want to happen with this research?
She's arguing policymakers should invest in prevention—early childhood programs, community infrastructure, meaningful activities for young people. That's where the real work happens.
Der Puls
- Germany's official crime statistics show non-German nationals committing crimes at 2.6 times the rate of German citizens — a figure that has fueled far-right political messaging for years.
- New research exposes a critical flaw: German offenders are reported to police at roughly half the rate of non-German offenders for similar offenses, meaning the statistics measure reporting behavior as much as criminal behavior.
- Once adjusted for this bias, the gap falls to 1.7 times — and demographic factors like age and gender account for much of even that remaining difference, leaving culture with no measurable explanatory role.
- Researchers warn that a political debate narrowly fixated on skewed statistics is crowding out evidence-based prevention — early childhood programs, community infrastructure, and rapid response to violence.
- Prétor's most striking finding may be the simplest: more than 99 percent of people in Germany, regardless of origin, commit no serious violent crime at all.
Each year, Germany's crime statistics become a battleground for competing narratives about belonging and danger — but a new study by sociologist Susann Prätor and her colleagues reveals that the numbers themselves are shaped by something prior to crime: who gets reported. When systematic reporting bias is accounted for, the apparent gap between German and non-German offending rates shrinks considerably, and what remains is explained largely by age, gender, and childhood experience rather than culture or nationality. The research invites a quieter, harder question — not who commits crime, but what conditions, in any life, make violence more likely.
Every autumn, when Germany's Federal Criminal Police Office publishes its annual crime figures, the Alternative for Germany party combs the data for one thing: offenses involving foreign nationals. Media scholars have found that roughly 95 percent of the party's crime-related press releases focus on non-German suspects. The narrative that follows is familiar — foreigners as an inherent threat to public safety.
But sociologist and criminologist Susann Prétor, working with colleagues from the University of Zurich and the Lower Saxony Criminological Research Institute, has found something hidden inside those statistics. The numbers don't simply measure who commits crimes. They measure who gets reported — and those are not the same thing.
By comparing official police records with population surveys that capture unreported offenses, Prétor's team found that non-German nationals are reported to authorities twice as often as German nationals for similar offenses. German offenders, in other words, disappear from the statistical record at a far higher rate. When the official figures are adjusted for this reporting bias, the headline ratio drops from 2.6 times to 1.7 times — a meaningful difference, but one that begins to look less like an inherent characteristic and more like a gap shaped by measurable circumstances.
Demographics explain much of what remains. The foreign-born population in Germany skews younger and more male than the general population, and young men everywhere commit crimes at higher rates than other groups. Prétor was direct: age, gender, poor education, and prior exposure to violence drive criminal behavior across all populations. Culture, she said, is not a factor — contrary to the prejudice that violence is more culturally normalized in certain communities.
Family experience matters more than background. While surveys show 10 percent of youths without German citizenship view violence positively, compared to 5 percent of German youths, Prétor traces this difference to childhood exposure to violence at home, not to inherited values. And she offered a longer view: parental violence in child-rearing has declined sharply since the 1960s, and youth violence overall is far rarer than it was two decades ago.
The actual scale of serious violent crime puts the debate in proportion. Among German citizens, 0.2 percent commit serious violent offenses; among non-German nationals, 0.6 percent. But Prétor's larger point is that more than 99 percent of everyone living in Germany — regardless of origin — commits no serious violent crime at all. The overwhelming majority integrate successfully, a reality the current political debate largely ignores.
Rather than fixating on statistics that reflect reporting patterns as much as actual behavior, Prétor urges investment in prevention: early intervention in schools, social skill-building, rapid response to violence when it occurs, and recreational infrastructure in underserved areas. Youth violence, she argues, correlates most strongly with a lack of meaningful daily structure — a problem that belongs to no single nationality.
Every autumn, when Germany's Federal Criminal Police Office releases its annual crime statistics, a particular audience waits with unusual intensity. The Alternative for Germany party—a political force with significant far-right elements—scours the data for one thing: crimes involving refugees, migrants, and foreign nationals. Media scholars have documented what they find: roughly 95 percent of the party's press releases about crime focus on non-German suspects, while crimes committed by German citizens receive almost no mention.
The resulting narrative is familiar and stark: foreigners are inherently more violent, more prone to criminality, a threat to public safety. But a new research project led by Susann Prätor, a sociologist and criminologist at the Lower Saxony Police Academy, working alongside colleagues from the University of Zurich and the Lower Saxony Criminological Research Institute, reveals something more complicated hiding inside those statistics. The numbers that appear to show foreigners committing crimes at dramatically higher rates actually reflect something else entirely: a systematic difference in how crimes get reported to police in the first place.
Prätor's team examined not just officially recorded crime—the cases that make it into police statistics—but also unreported offenses, identified through representative population surveys. The gap between these two measures tells the story. According to official police records, non-German nationals commit crimes more frequently than German citizens. But when researchers looked at crimes that never reached police, the picture shifted. Non-German nationals are reported to authorities twice as often as German nationals who commit similar offenses. German offenders, in other words, are far more likely to escape the statistical record entirely.
When Prätor adjusted the official crime statistics to account for this reporting bias, the headline number changed dramatically. Foreigners appeared not 2.6 times more likely to commit crimes than Germans, but 1.7 times more likely—a substantial difference, but one that begins to look less like an inherent characteristic and more like a measurable gap shaped by other factors. This adjusted figure aligns closely with separate studies on unreported juvenile violence, which found foreign youths commit violent crimes about 1.6 times as often as German youths.
Demographics explain much of what remains. The foreign-born population in Germany skews younger and more male than the overall population, and young men everywhere commit crimes at higher rates than other groups. Age and gender, not nationality or culture, emerge as the primary drivers. Prétor emphasized this point with precision: factors like youth, maleness, poor education, and prior exposure to violence increase the likelihood of criminal behavior across all populations. "We do not see culture as a factor, contrary to the prejudice that masculinity and violence play a greater role in other cultures," she said.
Family experience matters more than cultural background. Prétor pointed to survey data showing that 5 percent of German youths view violence positively, compared to 10 percent of youths without German citizenship. But the source of that difference lies in childhood experience, not inherent values. "If I experience violence in my own home, I will have a different relationship to violence than if I hadn't experienced it," Prétor explained. The good news, she noted, is that Germany has been moving in the right direction for decades. Parental violence in child-rearing has declined sharply since the 1960s, and youth violence overall is far less common than it was in the 1990s or early 2000s.
The actual scale of serious violent crime provides perspective. Of every 100 German citizens, 0.2 percent commit serious violent crimes like aggravated assault, manslaughter, or murder. Among non-German nationals, the figure is 0.6 percent. But Prétor's larger point cuts through the noise: more than 99 percent of people living in Germany—German and non-German alike—commit no serious violent crimes at all. The overwhelming majority integrate exceptionally well.
Prétor, who trains prospective police officers, is pushing policymakers toward a different conversation. Rather than fixating on crime statistics that reflect reporting patterns as much as actual behavior, she argues, Germany should invest in prevention. Early intervention in preschool and school, building social skills, responding quickly to violence when it occurs, and creating infrastructure and recreational opportunities in underserved regions—these are where resources should flow. Youth violence, regardless of background, correlates strongly with lack of meaningful daily structure. The debate on immigration, she contends, has become unnecessarily narrow and negative, shaped by an overemphasis on police data that obscures the reality of successful integration happening across the country.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
We do not see culture as a factor, contrary to the prejudice that masculinity and violence play a greater role in other cultures.— Susann Prétor, sociologist and criminologist
If I experience violence in my own home, I will have a different relationship to violence than if I hadn't experienced it.— Susann Prétor, on family upbringing and attitudes toward violence