Frank-Walter Steinmeier, returning to China for the first time in eight years, sets out on a five-day state visit that carries Germany's long and complicated partnership with Beijing into a moment of recalibration. He travels as the country's pragmatic diplomat, a man who once believed trade could gently reshape the world, now carrying a firmer European voice on overcapacity, raw materials, and Russia's war in Ukraine. The timing, alongside the Communist Party's plenary session and the Chancellor's simultaneous journey through Asia, suggests a nation trying to keep one hand extended while the
Steinmeier in China: A German state visit balancing partnership, risk, and rising tensions
Caught between partnership and competition, Germany sends two envoys to Asia
Why does it matter that he's going during the party plenary?
Foreign visitors usually steer clear of that week. Going anyway makes the trip stand out, and it signals Germany wants contact even at a busy, sensitive moment.
And Merz is in Asia at the same time?
Yes, in Japan, Singapore and South Korea with business people. Michael Laha reads the two trips as one message: stay partners with China, but reduce risk.
That's one analyst's reading, though. The source doesn't say Berlin officially framed it as coordinated.
Fair. It's Laha's interpretation, and he calls it a difficult balancing act.
What's the concrete change on trade so far?
Europe agreed to scale back plug-in hybrid imports from China. Laha says it's a start, not enough.
Worth noting we don't know how large the cut is or when it applies. The piece doesn't say.
Will he raise Ukraine and Taiwan?
Ukraine, likely. Taiwan is more of an inference: Laha thinks a line about Russia attacking a sovereign state could echo it.
So Taiwan may never be named. And what Xi says in response is entirely unknown until the meetings happen.
O Pulso
- Germany's car and machinery makers feel the squeeze of Chinese overcapacity even as Beijing remains one of their most vital markets.
- Europe has moved to curb imports of Chinese plug-in hybrids, a concrete step that analysts say is only the opening move.
- Steinmeier arrives during the Communist Party's plenary session, a rare choice that signals Berlin's determination to keep talking.
- Merz is courting Japan, Singapore and South Korea with business delegations, building alternative partnerships as a hedge against risk.
- Beijing's sanctions on the MERICS institute are being openly defied by the presence of its director in the delegation.
- Pressure over Ukraine is set to rise, with Berlin expecting China to do more to bring Moscow to serious negotiations.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier, returning to China for the first time in eight years, sets out on a five-day state visit that carries Germany's long and complicated partnership with Beijing into a moment of recalibration. He travels as the country's pragmatic diplomat, a man who once believed trade could gently reshape the world, now carrying a firmer European voice on overcapacity, raw materials, and Russia's war in Ukraine. The timing, alongside the Communist Party's plenary session and the Chancellor's simultaneous journey through Asia, suggests a nation trying to keep one hand extended while the other quietly tightens its grip.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier has not visited China in eight years, and he returns to a country and a European relationship that have both changed considerably. The German president begins a five-day state visit that will take him through several regions before ending in Beijing with talks with the Chinese leadership. His office says the trip will focus on the diverse and difficult questions that define Germany's ties with China.
The timing is deliberate in its strangeness. The visit coincides with the plenary session of the Communist Party's Central Committee, an event foreign dignitaries usually avoid. Among the stops is a Volkswagen plant in Hefei, a fitting image of the dilemma at the heart of German policy: China is a vital market for cars, machinery and chemicals, yet state-backed overcapacity is squeezing European manufacturers, while Germany still depends on China for raw materials and technology.
Steinmeier once championed the idea of change through trade, but few in Germany still believe it. Europe has recently agreed to curb imports of Chinese plug-in hybrids, a step analysts call concrete but only a beginning. At the same time, Chancellor Merz is touring Japan, Singapore and South Korea with business leaders, and the two journeys together send a message: Germany stays committed to China while reducing its risks.
Steinmeier's delegation is smaller on industry and fuller on culture, politics and academia. MERICS director Mikko Huotari is expected to join, despite Beijing's sanctions on the institute, a quiet refusal to accept them. Human rights are unlikely to dominate the agenda, since Steinmeier is seen as a pragmatist, but Ukraine will likely be raised more directly. Berlin wants Beijing to press Moscow toward real negotiations. His speech at Peking University on Thursday may reveal how far he is willing to go, and whether his reference to Russia's attack on a sovereign state also hints at Taiwan.
The visit closes with talks in Beijing with Xi Jinping, Li Qiang and Zhao Leji, and it completes the Asia focus of Steinmeier's second term. What remains open is how China, Germany's most important and most challenging partner, will respond.
Frank-Walter Steinmeier has not been to China in eight years, and the country he is returning to, along with Europe's relationship to it, has changed considerably. The German president is setting out on a five-day state visit that will take him through several parts of the country before ending in Beijing, where he will meet the Chinese leadership. His office says the trip will center on Germany's diverse and complex relations with China and the challenges that come with them.
The timing is unusual. His visit coincides with the plenary session of the Chinese Communist Party's Central Committee, a major annual event that foreign dignitaries usually avoid when scheduling trips. The itinerary includes sites of cultural exchange and a stop at a Volkswagen plant in Hefei.
The car industry captures the dilemma facing German policy. China is among the most important markets for German automotive and machinery makers and for the chemical industry. At the same time, state-supported overcapacity in China is squeezing European manufacturers. Germany and Europe also depend on China for raw materials and technologies, which is pushing them to look for alternative partners.
Steinmeier himself once championed "change through trade," the idea that global commerce could nudge other countries toward democracy. Few people in Germany still hold that view. He is now expected to carry a tougher European line to Beijing. European leaders recently agreed to scale back imports of plug-in hybrid vehicles from China. Michael Laha, a China expert at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin, called that a concrete step but said it can only be the beginning.
Berlin is also sending a second senior figure to Asia at the same time. Chancellor Friedrich Merz is traveling to Japan, Singapore and South Korea with business representatives, focusing on competitiveness, technological upheaval, defense cooperation and critical raw materials. He is visiting companies and attending regional economic conferences in Tokyo and Seoul. Laha reads the two trips as one message: the chancellor is deliberately strengthening Germany's Indo-Pacific partnerships, while the president seeks dialogue with Beijing. Together, he says, they tell China that Germany remains committed to the partnership while taking steps to reduce risk. He described it as a difficult balancing act that also lets China save face.
Where Merz brings a large economic delegation, Steinmeier travels with people from culture, politics and academia. Mikko Huotari, director of the China Institute MERICS, is expected to be among them, even though Beijing has sanctioned the institute. Laha said his presence signals that Germany does not accept those sanctions. The sanctions trace back to 2021, when the EU penalized several Chinese party and regional officials and an organization over serious human rights violations and the repression of the Uyghur minority. It was the first such EU action against China since the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989. Beijing answered with entry bans and other sanctions on European politicians, scholars and institutions, MERICS among them.
Laha does not expect human rights to feature prominently. Steinmeier is regarded as a pragmatist on China. As foreign minister he distanced himself from his predecessor Joschka Fischer, a China critic, and criticized Chancellor Angela Merkel for hosting the Dalai Lama.
On Ukraine, he is likely to be more direct. Laha says Beijing is clearly on Moscow's side, yet officials in Berlin believe China could do more to bring Russia to serious negotiations. Steinmeier may make that point in his Thursday speech at Peking University. His office says Germany has long viewed China's rise with respect and goodwill, but that attention now falls less on the rise itself than on how China uses its growing power. Laha suggests that if the president notes Russia used its power to attack a sovereign state, he could be alluding to Taiwan, an appeal for Beijing to take more responsibility for regional and international order.
The visit ends in Beijing with talks with President Xi Jinping, whom Steinmeier has known for nearly two decades, Premier Li Qiang, and Zhao Leji, chairman of the National People's Congress. The trip caps the Asia focus of his second term, during which he has sought closer regional ties and greater diversification. What remains to be seen is how China, Germany's most important and most challenging partner, answers.
Citações Notáveis
The joint trip sends a coordinated message that Germany remains committed to the partnership while taking steps to reduce risk.— Michael Laha, German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)
Europe's agreement to scale back Chinese plug-in hybrid imports was a concrete step, but can only be the beginning.— Michael Laha, DGAP