Starmer adviser's 16 secret tech meetings raise lobbying concerns

Lobbying behind closed doors enables outside interests to influence our politics without public scrutiny.
A transparency advocate describes the risk posed by secret meetings between government advisers and tech executives.
Mark

Why does it matter that these meetings were secret? Governments meet with businesses all the time.

Mimi

Because Chandra wasn't just listening. He was offering to connect executives directly to the prime minister. He was discussing regulatory changes while the government was simultaneously removing the regulator who wanted to break up tech monopolies. That's not conversation—that's coordination.

Mark

But couldn't the government argue he was just doing his job, gathering information from industry?

Mimi

He could, and he did. But there's a difference between listening and being lobbied. The meetings covered regulatory reform, AI investment, and how to navigate Trump. And they happened in private, with no public record. If it was just information gathering, why not disclose it?

Mark

What's the actual harm here? Did Chandra do anything illegal?

Mimi

Not necessarily illegal. But legal and transparent are different things. The harm is that we don't know if corporate interests shaped policy decisions. The CMA chair was removed right after Chandra met with Apple executives about removing business barriers. Was that a coincidence? We can't tell because the meetings were secret.

Mark

So the issue is the lack of a lobbying register?

Mimi

Exactly. In the US, lobbyists have to register and disclose their meetings. Here, political advisers don't. Chandra can meet with six major tech companies and no one knows about it unless a journalist spends a year filing freedom of information requests. That's not accountability.

Mark

What would transparency actually change?

Mimi

It would let voters and Parliament see who's trying to influence government decisions. Right now, tech executives can shape policy in the dark. With a register, at least we'd know it was happening. We could ask questions. We could decide if it's appropriate.

  • Sixteen secret meetings between a Downing Street insider and the most powerful names in Silicon Valley went unrecorded in any public register for over a year.
  • While these conversations unfolded behind closed doors, the government was simultaneously dismantling competition oversight — including removing the chair of the watchdog poised to break up tech monopolies.
  • Chandra's dual identity as a former corporate intelligence chief with ongoing financial ties to his old firm deepens the unease about where government ends and private interest begins.
  • Britain's transparency laws contain a deliberate blind spot: unlike ministers and civil servants, political advisers face no legal obligation to disclose their meetings with corporate lobbyists.
  • Transparency advocates are now pressing for a comprehensive lobbying register that would bring special advisers inside the definition of accountable public actors.
  • Downing Street insists the meetings were routine and productive, pointing to a UK-US trade deal and record inward investment — but the public record of what was promised in exchange remains empty.

In the quiet corridors where government and corporate power converge, Varun Chandra — chief business adviser to Prime Minister Keir Starmer — held sixteen undisclosed meetings with the senior executives of Google, Microsoft, Amazon, Apple, Meta, and Oracle over the course of a year. The conversations touched on regulatory reform, artificial intelligence strategy, and the architecture of a post-Trump transatlantic relationship, yet none were logged in any public record. That this came to light only through sustained freedom of information requests raises an older and more enduring question: in a democracy, who watches the watchers who shape the deals that shape the world?

Varun Chandra is not a name most British voters would recognise, but his position inside Downing Street makes him one of the most consequential figures in the current government. As chief business adviser to Prime Minister Keir Starmer, he has spent the past year cultivating relationships with the executives who run the world's largest technology companies — and doing so, it now emerges, entirely out of public view.

Between October 2024 and October 2025, Chandra held sixteen meetings with senior leaders from Google, Microsoft, Amazon, Oracle, Apple, and Meta. None were publicly disclosed. The records were kept by civil servants but never made available to the public, and it took twelve months of freedom of information requests by the Guardian to bring them to light. The conversations ranged across regulatory reform, AI growth zones, datacentre investment, and the implications of Donald Trump's return to the White House. In at least one instance, Chandra offered to arrange a direct meeting between a tech executive and the prime minister.

The timing sharpens the concern. As these private conversations were taking place, the government was actively reshaping its regulatory posture toward big tech — promising £150 billion in American investment, offering energy subsidies and planning fast-tracks for data centres, and stripping back what Chancellor Rachel Reeves called anti-growth regulation. The chair of the Competition and Markets Authority, who had been preparing to use new powers against tech monopolies, was removed from his post. Reeves later noted approvingly that tech companies had stopped complaining once she "got rid" of him.

Chandra's background adds another layer. Before entering government, he ran Hakluyt, a corporate intelligence firm staffed by former British spies that advises major corporations without disclosing its clients. He still holds more than 300,000 shares in the company. Starmer recruited him after Labour's election victory to strengthen ties with business and international investors; his remit later expanded to cover US trade negotiations.

The legal gap that made all of this possible is straightforward: unlike ministers and senior civil servants, political advisers in Britain are not required to declare meetings with private companies or lobbyists. The records exist, but they are not public. Transparency International has called this arrangement untenable, arguing that lobbying conducted through special advisers allows outside interests to shape policy without any scrutiny. Their call for a comprehensive register — one that would bring advisers inside the formal definition of lobbying activity — has so far gone unheeded.

Downing Street defended the meetings as routine and pointed to a UK-US trade deal and record inward investment as evidence of their value. What the public cannot assess, because no register exists to consult, is what commitments or concessions accompanied those results.

Varun Chandra sits in Downing Street as one of the most connected men in British government, a position few outside Westminster know he holds. The chief business adviser to Prime Minister Keir Starmer and a key figure in the chancellor's inner circle, Chandra has spent the past year meeting with the executives who run some of the world's largest technology companies. What the public did not know—what took twelve months and multiple freedom of information requests to uncover—is that he held sixteen of these meetings in complete secrecy.

Between October 2024 and October 2025, Chandra sat down with senior leaders from Google, Microsoft, Amazon, Oracle, Apple, and Meta. The meetings were not announced. They were not logged in any public register. They happened in the spaces where government and corporate power meet, and according to the records obtained by the Guardian, Chandra used them to discuss regulatory changes, artificial intelligence strategy, and how to navigate Donald Trump's return to the White House. In at least one conversation, he offered to arrange a direct meeting between a tech executive and the prime minister himself.

The timing of these encounters matters. While Chandra was having these confidential conversations, the government was simultaneously reshaping its approach to business regulation. Ministers were developing policies designed to attract billions in investment from Silicon Valley, including multimillion-pound energy subsidies and preferential planning approval for data centers in what they called AI growth zones. The government had promised that American tech firms would invest £150 billion in the UK economy. At the same time, in early 2025, Chancellor Rachel Reeves ordered business watchdogs to strip away what she called anti-growth regulations. The Competition and Markets Authority chair, Marcus Bokkerink, who had been preparing to use new powers to break up tech monopolies, was removed from his post. Reeves later remarked that she had received positive feedback since "she got rid" of Bokkerink, noting that tech companies had previously complained constantly about the regulator.

Chandra is not a household name, but his influence is substantial. Before joining government two years ago, he ran Hakluyt, a London-based corporate intelligence firm staffed largely by former British spies. The company advises some of the world's largest corporations but does not disclose its client list. Chandra still owns more than 300,000 shares in the firm. Starmer brought him into government shortly after Labour's election victory to deepen ties with corporate executives and international investors. His role expanded this year to include responsibility for US trade negotiations, particularly around AI investment. He is one of the few advisers to survive the constant reshuffling of Downing Street staff, and Starmer even considered him for the position of US ambassador.

The meeting logs reveal the substance of these conversations. Chandra met with Siobhan Wilson, Oracle's top UK executive, and prepared the ground for the prime minister to meet Amazon's chief executive, Andy Jassy. He discussed the government's "commitment to removing barriers for businesses" with three Apple executives, including Matt Browne, who manages the company's government relations across Europe. Meta's vice-president, Joel Kaplan—a former Republican official who replaced Nick Clegg in the role—provided feedback on the "UK regulatory landscape." With Microsoft's Brad Smith, Chandra discussed Trump's priorities at Davos and then briefed him on Trump's state visit to Britain.

Unlike senior civil servants and ministers, political advisers in Britain do not have to declare their meetings with private companies or lobbyists. The meetings are recorded by civil servants, but those records are not public. It is a gap in transparency that allows significant influence to flow through channels the public cannot see. Rose Zussman, a senior advocacy manager at Transparency International, described it plainly: "Lobbying behind closed doors enables outside interests to influence our politics without public scrutiny." She called for a comprehensive lobbying register that would capture meetings between outside interests and special advisers, bringing them into the definition of lobbying activity itself.

Chandra declined to comment. So did Google and Amazon. The other tech companies did not respond to requests for comment. A Downing Street spokesperson defended the meetings, saying Chandra had helped secure a UK-US trade deal and "record" inward investment from American companies. "Meeting businesses is a core and entirely expected part of the prime minister's business adviser's role," the spokesperson said. The question that remains unanswered is whether the public has any right to know what those meetings contain, and whether the absence of a register creates space for corporate interests to shape government policy in ways voters cannot see.

Lobbying behind closed doors enables outside interests to influence our politics without public scrutiny.
— Rose Zussman, Transparency International
Meeting businesses is a core and entirely expected part of the prime minister's business adviser's role.
— Downing Street spokesperson
Möchten Sie die ganze Geschichte? Das Original lesen bei The Guardian ↗
Kontakt FAQ