Serbia's Student List Pushes Vučić to the Wire in a Neck-and-Neck Election

Sixteen people died when a railway station canopy collapsed in Novi Sad, the disaster that sparked the anti-corruption protests now driving the opposition movement.
A strong, sole leader, or a collective approach
The final rallies in Belgrade showed the two competing visions Serbia's voters must now choose between.
Mark

Why is this election being treated as different from earlier ones under Vučić?

Mimi

Because the challenger isn't a party with a famous face. It came out of nearly two years of protests after 16 people died in the Novi Sad canopy collapse, and students themselves picked 250 candidates.

Mark

And the top name is a cardiologist?

Mimi

Ilija Srdanović, a professor at Novi Sad University. But he's not the leader. The movement has none, and he might not even be its pick for prime minister.

Luke

That's worth pausing on. If they win, who governs? The reporting doesn't say how that gets decided.

Mimi

Right, it's an open question, and it's part of what makes them unusual.

Mark

What does Vučić have going for him?

Mimi

Real support among people who see him as a strong defender of national interests, plus economic growth and infrastructure he can point to.

Luke

And the claim that the field is tilted? That rests on the 2023 observer mission, not on findings about this vote.

Mimi

Fair. The 2023 report cited media bias and misuse of state resources. Nothing here confirms the same for Sunday.

Mark

What about the 150,000 at Slavija Square?

Luke

That's a reported figure, with no source given for it. And the polling is thin, so nobody can say who's ahead. Analysts only say it will be tight.

Mimi

What's clear is the Novi Sad station was part of his Belgrade-Budapest rail project, and that's why the disaster sticks to him.

  • Sixteen deaths in Novi Sad have turned a station canopy into a symbol that refuses to fade from the national conversation.
  • A ballot of 250 first-time candidates, chosen by university assemblies, has unsettled a political system used to familiar faces.
  • Cardiologist Ilija Srdanović arrives at his interview on a motorbike, and his list pushes forward with no single boss to name or blame.
  • Vučić answers with growth figures and warnings about foreign backing, while the Novi Sad disaster stays stubbornly tied to his signature rail project.
  • Accusations of a tilted field, from media bias to a pro-government camp in central Belgrade, hang over a race analysts expect to be razor-thin.

On a Sunday in late October, Serbia goes to the polls in an election that carries the weight of nearly two years of street protest. The Student List, a movement without a leader and built from university assemblies rather than party machines, is testing whether a country can answer grief over a collapsed railway canopy in Novi Sad with a new kind of politics. Against it stands Aleksandar Vučić, who has governed in one form or another since 2012 and who can still point to growth and new roads, but who cannot easily step away from the concrete that fell. Few expect a clear verdict, and the result will show whether a people that has shouted for accountability can also be trusted to choose for themselves.

Ilija Srdanović arrived for his interview on a motorbike, wearing a fluorescent yellow jacket printed with pro-student slogans. A cardiologist and university professor in Novi Sad, he now leads the candidate list of a movement that presents the strongest challenge to Aleksandar Vučić since 2012. Serbians vote on Sunday.

The Student List grew out of nearly two years of anti-corruption protests, set off when a railway station canopy collapsed in Novi Sad and killed 16 people. The students did not put themselves forward. University assemblies chose 250 candidates, none with a political past, drawn from medicine, sport, economics and engineering. The list has no hierarchy and no named leader. Srdanović heads the ballot but does not lead the movement, and he would not necessarily be its choice for prime minister. A student named Aleksandra described a country where people can walk home at night without fear, and Srdanović spoke of the basic values of a civilised society that he believes the government has taken from its citizens.

Vučić has held power in various roles since 2012 and remains, in the eyes of many, the one in charge. He still draws support from voters who credit him with economic growth and new infrastructure, and he calls the students foreign-backed. Critics point to the 2023 election, when observers cited media bias and misuse of state resources, and to a pro-government camp that has occupied a park near the National Assembly for 18 months.

His hardest problem is Novi Sad. The station was part of his flagship high-speed rail link to Budapest, and unlike past crises, he has found no scapegoat large enough to carry this one. Abroad, he balances EU talks against close ties with Russia and China, and he warns those ties could be cut if the students win.

The closing rallies made the contrast plain. The ruling party filled Belgrade Arena with Vučić as its only speaker. Across the river, the Student List reportedly drew 150,000 people to Slavija Square. Reliable polls are scarce, and analysts expect a very close result, one that will decide between a single strong leader and a collective project.

Ilija Srdanović turned up for his interview on a motorbike, wearing a fluorescent yellow jacket printed with pro-student slogans. He is a cardiologist and a professor at Novi Sad University, and he now heads the candidate list of the movement that poses the most serious challenge to Aleksandar Vučić since Vučić's Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) entered government in 2012. Serbia votes in parliamentary elections on Sunday.

The movement is called the Student List. It grew out of almost two years of anti-corruption protests led by young Serbians, set off by the deaths of 16 people when a railway station canopy collapsed in Novi Sad, Serbia's second city. Students did not put themselves forward. Assemblies at the country's university faculties selected 250 candidates, none of them with a political background, ranging from academics and athletes to economists and engineers. Srdanović told the BBC it was absolutely normal for him to stand with his students in what he called their fair struggle.

The list has no hierarchy and no named leader, which makes it unlike anything in Serbia's relatively short democratic history. Srdanović heads the ballot but does not lead the movement, and he would not necessarily be its first choice for prime minister if it won. A Novi Sad student who gave only her first name, Aleksandra, said the students gathered people who are the best in their fields. She described a shared vision of a country with free speech, where you can walk home at night without being beaten by hooligans. Srdanović said the list offers the core values of civilised society, which he says the current government has taken from citizens.

Vučić has been deputy prime minister, prime minister and president since 2012. When he called these snap elections last month, he stood down as president to run for prime minister. Whatever his title, there has been little doubt about who is in charge, an image promoted by Serbia's largely uncritical media. He keeps strong support among many Serbians, who see him as a strong leader defending the country's interests, and he can point to significant economic growth over the past decade and numerous infrastructure improvements. He has described the student movement as foreign-backed and bent on bringing down the state, telling supporters at his final rally: let us always protect and defend it.

Critics say the playing field is tilted. At the 2023 parliamentary election, the International Election Observation Mission noted an overwhelming ruling party advantage, citing media bias and misuse of public office and resources. The BBC approached leading SNS figures for an interview and was not offered a response. For the past 18 months a full-time pro-SNS camp has also stood in the small park between the National Assembly and the Presidency in central Belgrade. Its residents have repeatedly attacked journalists and made the park a no-go zone for locals. Vučić has called it a symbol of resistance against those who cannot stand different opinions.

His greatest vulnerability remains Novi Sad. The station's renovation was part of his signature project, the high-speed line between Belgrade and Budapest, so distancing himself has been hard. Magda Anastasijevic, Eastern Europe analyst at the conflict monitor ACLED, said Vučić has survived such episodes before by finding a scapegoat, but that this was not possible with the canopy.

Abroad, he has balanced EU membership talks, which continue fitfully, against close ties with Russia and China, neither of which recognises Kosovo's declaration of independence from Serbia. He has warned those ties could be severed if the Student List won, saying that when asked whether they would impose sanctions on Russia, they offer only silence and hesitation.

The closing rallies showed the contrast. The SNS filled Belgrade Arena with Vučić as the only speaker. Across the Sava, the Student List reportedly drew 150,000 people to Slavija Square to hear a mix of students and candidates. Reliable polls are scarce, but analysts expect an extremely tight result, and voters now choose between a single strong leader and a collective approach.

It is absolutely normal to stand with my students to help them in their fair struggle.
— Ilija Srdanović, Student List top candidate
Vučić has survived this in the past, he was always able to find a scapegoat. This was not the case for the canopy.
— Magda Anastasijevic, ACLED analyst
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