Ukrainian commander reports heavy fighting around Kostiantynivka as Russian troops attack along three sectors, claiming the enemy sustains heavy losses without territorial gains. Russia's culture minister visits North Korea with 125 performers, highlighting unprecedented cooperation following Putin-Kim Jong-un's mutual defense pact and disclosed North Korean troop deployments.
Russia intensifies assault on Kostiantynivka as Moscow deepens North Korea ties
The enemy is surging, but apart from sustaining losses, has achieved nothing
Why does Kostiantynivka matter so much to Russia right now? It's one city among many.
Because it's the gateway. If Russia takes Kostiantynivka, it opens the path deeper into Donetsk. It's not just territory—it's momentum. And Ukraine knows this, which is why they're defending it so fiercely.
The commander says Russia is sustaining "numerous losses" but achieving nothing. Does that mean Ukraine is winning?
It means Ukraine is holding. There's a difference. Holding costs you too. The real question is whether Ukraine can hold long enough for something to shift—whether that's Western support, Russian exhaustion, or a political opening.
Why would North Korea send troops to fight in Ukraine? What does it gain?
Access to Russian military technology, experience in modern warfare, and alignment with a major power. For Kim Jong-un, it's a way to strengthen ties with Moscow and position North Korea as a player in a larger geopolitical game.
The incoming Polish president opposes Ukraine's NATO bid. How serious is that threat?
Very. Poland is the lifeline. If Poland cools on Ukraine, the weapons stop flowing as easily. Zelenskyy has to manage that relationship carefully, even as he's fighting a war.
Russia says it controls one-fifth of Ukraine but doesn't fully hold any of the four regions it's demanding recognition of. Isn't that a weak negotiating position?
On paper, yes. But Russia isn't negotiating from weakness right now—it's negotiating from the barrel of a gun. It's saying: recognize what we hold, or we'll keep fighting until we hold more. The question is whether Ukraine and the West will call that bluff.
El Pulso
- Day 1,222 of Russia's invasion of Ukraine
- Russian forces attacking Kostiantynivka along three operational sectors
- Russia's culture minister visits North Korea with 125-person delegation
- Russia controls approximately one-fifth of Ukrainian territory
- North Korean troops deployed in Russian offensive in Kursk region
Ukrainian commander reports heavy fighting around Kostiantynivka as Russian troops attack along three sectors, claiming the enemy sustains heavy losses without territorial gains. Russia's culture minister visits North Korea with 125 performers, highlighting unprecedented cooperation following Putin-Kim Jong-un's mutual defense pact and disclosed North Korean troop deployments.
Russian forces surge toward the key eastern Ukrainian city of Kostiantynivka while Moscow celebrates deepening military and cultural ties with North Korea, signaling expanded international support for its invasion.
On day 1,222 of the war, the fighting around Kostiantynivka had reached a fever pitch. Ukraine's top military commander, Oleksandr Syrskyi, posted an update on Telegram describing the eastern city as the focal point of a renewed Russian assault. Russian forces were pressing forward along three separate operational lines, he said, each one designed to crack Ukrainian defenses and open a path into the city itself. Syrskyi acknowledged the intensity of the moment but framed it in terms of Russian failure: the enemy was surging, yes, but it was doing so at enormous cost, achieving nothing of substance in return.
Kostiantynivka sits in the Donetsk region, a prize Moscow has been chasing for months. The city has become emblematic of the grinding, destructive nature of this war—a place where Ukrainian troops have held their ground through relentless bombardment and repeated assaults. The fighting there is not abstract. It means rubble. It means civilians displaced. It means infrastructure reduced to twisted metal and concrete dust. Russia's slow, methodical advance through eastern Ukraine has left a trail of destroyed towns and villages, each one claimed by Moscow's defense ministry in daily bulletins that read like a grim ledger.
On the same day Syrskyi was describing the battle for Kostiantynivka, Russia's defense ministry announced it had seized the village of Chervona Zirka, located farther to the southwest near the border of the Dnipropetrovsk region. These incremental territorial gains—a village here, a hamlet there—are how Russia measures progress. They are also how it justifies the war's continuation.
But Moscow was not only focused on the battlefield. On Saturday, Russia's culture minister, Olga Lyubimova, arrived in Pyongyang at the head of a 125-person delegation of performers. The visit was a public display of something Moscow wanted the world to see: that Russia was not isolated, that it had allies, that the war in Ukraine was not draining it of international standing. Lyubimova posted on Telegram that cooperation between Russia and North Korea had reached "unprecedented heights," a phrase that carried weight beyond the realm of concert halls and cultural exchanges. It was a statement about alignment, about shared interests, about a partnership that extended far beyond the stage.
The deepening of Russian-North Korean ties had accelerated dramatically since the invasion of Ukraine began. The two countries had signed a mutual defense treaty. More significantly, they had disclosed that North Korean troops were fighting alongside Russian forces in the Kursk region, an admission that came only after months of silence and speculation. The presence of North Korean soldiers on Ukrainian soil represented a tangible expansion of the war's geography and a concrete demonstration that Moscow had found a willing partner in its struggle.
Meanwhile, Ukraine faced a different kind of pressure from an unexpected quarter. Poland's incoming president, Karol Nawrocki, had just won an election on a platform that included opposition to Ukraine's bid to join NATO. During his campaign, Nawrocki had criticized Ukraine and leveled accusations of "indecent" behavior against President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. This mattered because Poland was not a distant observer. It was one of Ukraine's closest allies and had served as the crucial logistics corridor through which Western military aid flowed to Kyiv. Any cooling of that relationship threatened the supply lines that kept Ukrainian forces equipped and supplied.
Zelenskyy understood the stakes. He emphasized that maintaining friendly relations with Poland was "extremely important" for Ukraine's survival. The incoming Polish government's skepticism about Ukraine's NATO ambitions added another layer of complexity to a war that was already being fought on multiple fronts—military, diplomatic, and now political.
Moscow, for its part, continued to insist that any settlement of the war hinged on Ukraine's recognition of Russian control over four regions: Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson. Russian forces currently controlled roughly one-fifth of Ukraine's territory, but they did not fully occupy any of these four regions. The demand was both a negotiating position and a statement of intent—Moscow wanted not just a ceasefire but a reordering of the map that would legitimize its conquests. As Russian troops pressed toward Kostiantynivka and cultural delegations celebrated in Pyongyang, the shape of any future settlement remained as contested as the ground itself.
Citas Notables
The enemy is surging towards Kostiantynivka, but apart from sustaining numerous losses, has achieved nothing.— Oleksandr Syrskyi, Ukrainian top commander
Cooperation in the cultural sphere between our countries has reached unprecedented heights.— Olga Lyubimova, Russia's culture minister