As Washington revives the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine under a new name, Secretary of State Marco Rubio travels through Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru to meet a generation of right-leaning leaders whose political fortunes are bound to the Trump administration's vision of hemispheric order. The tour is less a diplomatic mission than a consolidation — of alliances, of military frameworks, and of a regional narrative that reframes drug trafficking as terrorism warranting lethal force. At least 227 people have died in US strikes conducted under this doctrine, and the question history will ask is whe
Rubio tours Trump-aligned Latin American leaders as US reasserts regional influence
The US is back in charge of the Western Hemisphere
So Rubio is visiting three countries in one trip. What's the actual purpose here—is this just diplomacy, or is something more strategic happening?
It's both, but the strategy is the real story. These three leaders—de la Espriella, Noboa, Fujimori—all won elections recently and all have aligned themselves with Trump. Rubio's visit is essentially a show of support and a chance to deepen military and commercial ties.
But we should be clear about what "aligned" means. These are their own political choices. The US didn't install them. They won elections in their own countries.
Right. But the Trump administration has been very deliberate about backing them and distinguishing them from the leftist leaders who came before. That's why Rubio is going now—to consolidate relationships while they're still new.
The State Department mentioned earthquake response in Colombia. Is that genuine aid, or is it part of the political strategy?
It's probably both. Colombia did have a devastating earthquake last month that killed at least 330 people. American support is real and needed. But it also gives the US a chance to position itself as a reliable partner to a new, friendly government.
And we should note that de la Espriella's predecessor, Gustavo Petro, was skeptical of US military operations in Colombia. De la Espriella has already reversed that position and endorsed strikes that have killed at least 227 people. That's a significant policy shift.
The source mentions a "Shield of the Americas" and this "Donroe Doctrine." What exactly is that?
It's Trump's way of saying the US is back in charge of the Western Hemisphere. The Shield is a coalition of 19 countries that have pledged to use military force against what they're calling narco-terrorists. The language matters—it's not just drug trafficking anymore, it's terrorism.
But here's where we need to be careful. Rights groups are calling some of these strikes extrajudicial killings. Families of the dead say the targets were fishermen, not smugglers. We don't have independent verification of who was actually hit.
So the human cost is unclear?
The death toll—227—that's documented. But the justification for those deaths, whether the people killed were actually involved in trafficking, that's contested. The US and allied governments say they were targeting cartels. Critics say civilians are being killed.
And that tension is going to be central to how these new governments are perceived by their own populations. If the military crackdowns are seen as effective, they'll have political support. If they're seen as brutal or indiscriminate, that could turn.
What about Brazil? The source mentions elections in October.
Brazil is the wild card. Lula is still president and he's leftist, but Flavio Bolsonaro—son of the former right-wing president—is running against him. Trump has already invited him to the White House.
And we should note that Jair Bolsonaro, the father, has been sentenced to 27 years in prison for leading a conspiracy to hold onto power. Trump has remained a staunch ally despite that conviction.
So if Flavio wins in October, the entire region could be right-aligned?
Essentially, yes. Right now Brazil and Mexico are the only major holdouts with leftist leaders. If Brazil flips, the regional balance shifts dramatically.
But that's still speculative. The election hasn't happened. We know Trump supports Flavio, we know he's running, but we don't know the outcome.
Il Polso
- A wave of Trump-aligned leaders has taken power across Latin America, and Rubio's three-nation tour is Washington's bid to lock in those gains before political winds can shift again.
- The 'Donroe Doctrine' rebrands 19th-century hemispheric dominance for the present, using the language of narco-terrorism to justify military strikes that human rights groups call extrajudicial executions.
- At least 227 people have been killed in US military operations targeting suspected drug smugglers, with families insisting many of the dead were fishermen — a mounting human cost that civil society groups refuse to let disappear into official silence.
- Colombia's earthquake, which killed at least 330 people, has handed Washington a softer instrument of influence, with Rubio's visit framing American disaster support alongside military cooperation as twin pillars of the new partnership.
- Brazil's October elections, with Flávio Bolsonaro challenging Lula and Trump's blessing already extended, could determine whether the rightward realignment becomes total — or finds its limit.
As Washington revives the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine under a new name, Secretary of State Marco Rubio travels through Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru to meet a generation of right-leaning leaders whose political fortunes are bound to the Trump administration's vision of hemispheric order. The tour is less a diplomatic mission than a consolidation — of alliances, of military frameworks, and of a regional narrative that reframes drug trafficking as terrorism warranting lethal force. At least 227 people have died in US strikes conducted under this doctrine, and the question history will ask is whether what is being built is a hemisphere of partners or a hemisphere of clients.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio is traveling to Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru this week to meet with three newly elected leaders who have aligned themselves closely with the Trump administration. In Bogotá, he will sit with President Abelardo de la Espriella; in Quito, with Daniel Noboa; in Lima, with Keiko Fujimori. The State Department has described the agenda in broad strokes — earthquake recovery aid for Colombia, expanded counternarcotics cooperation, and the possibility of deeper trade relationships — but the visit carries a significance that exceeds any single talking point.
The trip is the latest expression of a sweeping political realignment across Latin America. Over the past two years, right-leaning candidates have won elections in country after country, many of them with vocal support from Washington. Trump has backed leaders in Honduras and Bolivia, cultivated close ties with Argentina's Javier Milei and El Salvador's Nayib Bukele, and recently invited Flávio Bolsonaro — son of Brazil's former president — to the White House ahead of October elections that could unseat the leftist Lula. Only Brazil and Mexico remain governed by the left, and even that may not last.
This realignment is inseparable from Washington's broader strategic posture, which Trump has branded the 'Donroe Doctrine' — a deliberate echo of the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine. The contemporary version centers on military force and the reclassification of drug trafficking as narco-terrorism. Colombia's de la Espriella joined a 19-nation 'Shield of the Americas' coalition in August, endorsing American military strikes on suspected smugglers in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. Those strikes have killed at least 227 people. Human rights organizations have condemned the operations as extrajudicial killings, and the families of the dead say many of the victims were fishermen.
Ecuador and Peru have followed similar paths. Noboa's government has deepened military cooperation with the US to target trafficking networks, with Ecuador's interior minister publicly defending the strikes. Fujimori, whose father dissolved Congress and the Supreme Court during his presidency, has pledged her own crackdown on criminal organizations in partnership with Washington.
Beyond the three nations on Rubio's itinerary, the administration has moved aggressively across the region. A deal struck with Venezuela's interim leadership after Nicolás Maduro's abduction grants American companies access to vast oil reserves. Cuba remains under a US fuel blockade despite Havana's refusal to negotiate. And Colombia's earthquake — which killed at least 330 people — has given Washington an opportunity to present itself as an indispensable partner in recovery.
Rubio has called the region's conservative turn an 'extraordinary achievement.' Whether it endures will depend on whether the militaristic framework that underpins it generates more loyalty than resistance — from governments, from civil society, and from the populations living beneath the flight paths of American strikes.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio is heading to South America this week to meet with three newly elected leaders who have staked their political futures on alignment with the Trump administration. He will arrive in Colombia on Tuesday to see President Abelardo de la Espriella, then move on to Ecuador to meet with Daniel Noboa, and finally to Peru to sit down with Keiko Fujimori. The State Department has kept the specifics of the agenda close, offering only that discussions will cover American support for Colombia's earthquake recovery, expanded cooperation against what Washington now calls narco-terrorism, and the prospect of deeper trade ties.
The timing of Rubio's tour reflects a broader political realignment sweeping across the region. Over the past two years, a succession of right-leaning candidates have won elections in countries that were once governed by leftist coalitions. Beyond the three nations Rubio will visit, Trump has backed Honduras's Nasry Asfura, who took office in November, and Bolivia's Rodrigo Paz, who won in October. The administration has also cultivated close relationships with Argentina's Javier Milei, who came to power in 2023, and El Salvador's Nayib Bukele, who has led since 2019. Brazil and Mexico remain governed by leftists—Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Claudia Sheinbaum, respectively—but even that may shift. Flavio Bolsonaro, son of the former right-wing president Jair Bolsonaro, is preparing to challenge Lula in October elections, and Trump has already signaled his support by inviting the younger Bolsonaro to the White House in May.
This rightward turn in Latin America coincides with Washington's explicit effort to reassert dominance over the Western Hemisphere. Trump has branded this strategy the "Donroe Doctrine," invoking the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine that sought to exclude European powers from the Americas. But the modern version carries a different emphasis: military force and a reframing of drug trafficking as an act of terrorism requiring lethal response. In August, Colombia's de la Espriella joined the Trump administration's "Shield of the Americas," a coalition of 19 nations that have pledged to deploy military force to "destroy the sinister cartels and terrorist networks." Unlike his predecessor, the leftist Gustavo Petro, de la Espriella has publicly endorsed American military strikes on suspected drug smugglers in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. Those strikes have killed at least 227 people, according to available counts. Human rights organizations have condemned the operations as extrajudicial killings, and families of the dead have insisted that many of the targets were fishermen, not traffickers.
Ecuador has also deepened its military partnership with the United States. In March, the American military announced a collaboration with Ecuador under Noboa's leadership to target drug trafficking organizations operating within the country. When the US conducted strikes on vessels suspected of carrying narcotics, Ecuador's Interior Minister John Reimberg defended the operations in a recent television interview. Peru's Fujimori, the daughter of former President Alberto Fujimori—a figure remembered for dissolving Congress and the Supreme Court to consolidate power during his 1990-2000 tenure—has similarly pledged closer military cooperation with Washington and promised a crackdown on criminal organizations.
The Trump administration has moved swiftly to capitalize on this political opening. In the wake of the January 3 abduction of Venezuela's former President Nicolás Maduro, the US struck a deal with Venezuela's interim leader, Delcy Rodríguez, that grants American companies access to 65 billion barrels of crude oil reserves over the next century. Washington has also intensified its pressure campaign against Cuba, maintaining a fuel blockade despite Cuba's Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez's rejection of any negotiations on Monday. A devastating earthquake in Colombia last month killed at least 330 people and displaced thousands, creating an opening for the US to position itself as a crucial partner in recovery efforts.
Rubio himself has characterized the region's conservative shift as an "extraordinary achievement." The realignment has also coincided with strengthened ties between Israel and several Latin American nations since Trump took office. With Brazil's elections looming in October and Bolsonaro's son actively campaigning, the possibility of an even more thoroughly right-aligned hemisphere is within reach. The question now is whether Rubio's tour will solidify these relationships or whether the militaristic approach to drug trafficking and the embrace of what some see as extrajudicial killing will generate friction with populations and civil society groups across the region.
Citazioni salienti
The region's conservative shift represents an extraordinary achievement— Secretary of State Marco Rubio
Commitment to using lethal military force to destroy the sinister cartels and terrorist networks— Shield of the Americas coalition pledge