You have to know how to win, and know how to lose.
Pacto Histórico consolidates power with 4+ million votes in Senate elections, significantly increasing from 2.8M in 2022, while indigenous leader Aída Quilcué joins Iván Cepeda as VP candidate. Right-wing primary dominated by Paloma Valencia (45.7%), with surprise second-place finisher Juan Daniel Oviedo (1.2M votes) emerging as centrist alternative to ultra-conservative Abelardo de la Espriella.
- Pacto Histórico won ~25 Senate seats and 39 Chamber seats, up from 20 Senate seats in 2022
- Paloma Valencia won right-wing primary with 3.2 million votes (45.7% of all primary ballots)
- Juan Daniel Oviedo finished second in conservative primary with 1.2 million votes despite no major party backing
- Comunes party failed to elect any representatives and lost legal status after 10 years
- Approximately 7 million votes cast in presidential primaries, down from 10 million in 2022
Colombia's legislative elections show the ruling Pacto Histórico as the dominant force with 25 Senate seats and 39 Chamber seats, while right-wing candidate Paloma Valencia wins the conservative primary with 3.2 million votes, setting up a competitive May presidential runoff.
Colombia held legislative elections and presidential primaries on Sunday, March 9th, and the results have redrawn the political landscape for a May general election that will pit three distinct visions of the country against each other. The ruling Pacto Histórico, the leftist coalition backing President Gustavo Petro, emerged as the dominant force in Congress, securing approximately 25 Senate seats and 39 Chamber seats—a significant gain from the 20 Senate seats and comparable Chamber representation it held four years ago. The party's presidential candidate, Iván Cepeda, announced indigenous leader Aída Quilcué as his running mate, positioning the ticket as a bridge between the traditional left and Colombia's indigenous movements. Quilcué, a senator and leader within the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca, represents what Cepeda called "the best traditions of resistance, social struggle, and the construction of a just and democratic country."
On the right, Senator Paloma Valencia of the Centro Democrático party won the conservative primary decisively, capturing more than 3.2 million votes—45.7 percent of all primary ballots cast. Her victory gives her a commanding position to represent the right in May, though she will face competition from ultra-conservative lawyer Abelardo de la Espriella, who did not compete in Sunday's primary but ranks second in most polls. De la Espriella, seeking to unify the right, declared his support for Valencia if she advances to the general election, saying he would "carry her suitcase" and expecting reciprocal loyalty. His own party, the ultra-conservative Salvación Nacional, crossed the threshold to enter the Senate with approximately 700,000 votes and four seats, a symbolic victory for a fringe movement.
The genuine surprise of Sunday came from Juan Daniel Oviedo, a former director of Colombia's statistics agency who positioned himself as a centrist alternative to both the left and the traditional right. Running in the conservative primary without major party backing, Oviedo exceeded 1.2 million votes—more than double what centrist Claudia López achieved in her own primary and four times the support garnered by Roy Barreras, the former senator who collapsed with fewer than 300,000 votes in the progressive primary. Oviedo's emergence suggests a hunger among Colombian voters for a political option that breaks from established ideological camps, though his path to the presidency remains uncertain.
The elections also marked the effective end of Comunes, the political party born from the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC guerrilla. Running in coalition with a movement led by former governor Carlos Caicedo, Comunes failed to elect a single representative to Congress, losing the legal status that had been guaranteed by the peace accord for the past decade. Sandra Ramírez, one of the party's sitting senators, received just over 10,000 votes and will not return to Congress. Three other Comunes representatives seeking reelection in Atlantic, Valle del Cauca, and Antioquia also fell short.
Several prominent environmental advocates lost their seats, representing a setback for climate and conservation causes in the new Congress. Julia Miranda, who had directed Colombia's national parks system for 17 years and championed protected areas and climate-related displacement issues, received just over 12,000 votes and will not continue in Congress. Juan Carlos Losada, a Liberal Party representative from Bogotá who authored the Environmental Crimes Law and defended animal rights, fell short with approximately 34,000 votes—a decline of 7,500 from his previous election. Jorge Andrés Cancimance López, a Chamber representative from Putumayo who also led environmental causes, finished too far down his party's list to win a seat despite strong party performance.
Other notable casualties included Angélica Lozano, a senator from the Green Alliance who had been the most-voted representative in 2018 and received 84,000 votes in her 2022 Senate run, but managed only 37,265 votes this time. She acknowledged the loss with grace, writing that "you have to know how to win, and know how to lose." Katherine Miranda, the only New Liberalism candidate to have won a seat in the previous Congress, received just over 12,000 votes. Jorge Robledo, a historic leftist politician, garnered approximately 27,000 votes. The defeats suggested that social media presence and media visibility no longer guarantee electoral success in Colombia's shifting political terrain.
The overall turnout for the presidential primaries was approximately 7 million votes—significantly lower than the 10 million cast in 2022, partly because several major candidates did not participate in the primary contests. President Petro sought to minimize the significance of Valencia's primary victory, arguing that "the true election today is Congress, measured in seats," and pointing to his coalition's dominance in legislative races. Yet Valencia's 3.2 million votes provided her with a substantial mandate from the right, and the stage is now set for a three-way presidential race in May between Cepeda representing the left, Valencia representing the traditional right, and de la Espriella representing the ultra-right—with Oviedo's centrist movement potentially playing a spoiler role.
Notable Quotes
I feel honored to announce this decision to the country, as the CRIC and Aída represent the best of the traditions of resistance, social struggle, and the construction of a just and democratic country.— Iván Cepeda, announcing Aída Quilcué as his running mate
If Paloma advances to the second round, I will carry her suitcase, and if I advance to the second round, I am confident she will come with me.— Abelardo de la Espriella, on potential unity between right-wing candidates
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does it matter that Aída Quilcué is Cepeda's running mate, rather than someone from within the traditional left?
Because it signals that Cepeda is trying to build a coalition that extends beyond the urban, organized left. Quilcué represents indigenous movements that have their own power base and their own grievances. It's a way of saying the left's vision includes territorial autonomy and indigenous rights, not just labor and social policy.
Paloma Valencia won with 3.2 million votes. Is that a lot?
It's substantial—more than the entire Pacto Histórico got in its primary in 2022. But it's also less than what Gustavo Petro pulled in 2022. What matters more is that she won decisively against nine other right-wing candidates, so she has a clear mandate within her coalition. The question is whether she can hold that coalition together when facing Abelardo de la Espriella in May.
Why did Comunes disappear so completely?
The party was always dependent on the peace agreement's guarantee of representation. Once that guarantee expired, it had to compete like any other party. But it had been hollowed out—many of its members had moved into other parties or left politics entirely. Running in coalition with a small regional movement didn't help. It's a cautionary tale about what happens when a political force is built on a single historical moment rather than sustained organizing.
What does Juan Daniel Oviedo's success tell us?
That there's real appetite for something different. He had no major party machinery, he mortgaged his house to fund his campaign, and he still got 1.2 million votes. He's not left, not right, not quite center in the traditional sense. He represents people who are exhausted by the old categories.
Why did environmental advocates lose so badly?
Partly because environmental issues don't mobilize voters the way economic anxiety or ideology does. But also because the politicians who championed those causes were often from smaller parties or coalitions that didn't have the machinery to turn concern into votes. Julia Miranda had real expertise and a track record, but expertise doesn't always translate to electoral power.
Is Abelardo de la Espriella a serious threat to Paloma Valencia?
He's polling second, but he didn't compete in the primary, so we don't know if he can actually mobilize right-wing voters the way Valencia just did. His party, Salvación Nacional, barely crossed the threshold. He's betting that his outsider status and his appeal to the ultra-right will matter more in May than Valencia's demonstrated ability to win votes. It's a gamble.