Refugees Left Behind as Drugmakers Balk at COVID Vaccine Liability Under COVAX Buffer

About 167 million people risk exclusion from national vaccination programmes, and refugee camps in Thailand face outbreaks with at least 26 deaths.
Only one delivery has left the buffer: 1.6 million doses, to Iran
Despite a reserve of roughly 70 million doses, liability fears have limited deliveries to under 2 million.
Mark

Why does a legal question hold up vaccines for refugees?

Mimi

The buffer has no compensation mechanism. If the NGOs can't bear the legal risk, the manufacturer has to. Many of the biggest suppliers won't, so the shots don't flow.

Luke

Worth noting the documents say willing firms are a minority of supply. Which specific companies refused isn't stated. Moderna declined comment, and Pfizer and AstraZeneca only said they're in talks.

Mark

So who has agreed?

Mimi

Three Chinese firms, SinoVac, Sinopharm and Clover, plus Johnson & Johnson. Together they've supplied under a third of COVAX doses, and Clover isn't approved yet.

Luke

And the industry says nobody has flatly refused. The IFPMA frames it as needing to know where and how vaccines are used. That's their claim, not something the reporting tests.

Mark

Is the lawsuit fear grounded in data?

Mimi

Not much. The US programme has paid nothing, nor has the WHO's. A few European awards exist, amounts undisclosed.

Luke

Right, so the fear is about uncertainty, not demonstrated losses. And the EFPIA's point about people blaming vaccines for unrelated problems is a prediction.

Mark

What does it look like on the ground?

Mimi

Nosten asked for 70,000 doses in June and expects Sinopharm this month. Camps on the Thai border have about 3,000 cases and at least 26 deaths.

Luke

Though Gavi says delivery is still being finalised, and the buffer's only delivery so far was 1.6 million doses to Iran. Nothing's confirmed for Thailand yet.

  • Gavi's internal documents show major vaccine makers refusing to accept legal liability, and under 2 million doses have left a reserve meant for up to 70 million.
  • Roughly 167 million people risk being shut out of national programmes, and refugee camps on the Thai border are already losing lives to COVID outbreaks, with at least 26 dead.
  • Aid groups are scrambling to secure the few doses on offer, while applicants cannot choose which vaccine they receive and must accept whatever shot is available.
  • Chinese firms and Johnson & Johnson have agreed to carry the risk, but they supply only a minority of doses, leaving the gap wide as new displacement crises loom.

Far from the vaccine campaigns that dominate national headlines, a small reserve meant for people no government is shielding has stalled, caught between the caution of drugmakers and the fragile reach of humanitarian aid. The COVAX Humanitarian Buffer was built as a last resort for refugees, migrants and the displaced, yet fears of legal liability for side effects have kept most of its promised doses from moving. In a world where whoever falls outside the state's care is often the last to be protected, this quiet bureaucratic standoff over who bears the risk reveals how public health for the most exposed still depends on private willingness to gamble.

In June, Francois Nosten, a French professor who coordinates healthcare for people from Myanmar along the Thai border, asked for 70,000 COVID-19 vaccine doses. By December he was still waiting, and he had been told the shots would likely be Sinopharm's. His wait is one small example of a problem laid out in internal Gavi documents: some of the world's largest vaccine makers are unwilling to accept legal liability for side effects, and that unwillingness is blocking a reserve meant for people no government is vaccinating.

The reserve is COVAX's Humanitarian Buffer, created in March 2021 to hold back up to 5% of COVAX doses for refugees, migrants, asylum-seekers and people cut off by disaster or conflict. It has no mechanism to compensate anyone harmed by a vaccine. Where aid groups cannot carry that risk themselves, deliveries can proceed only if the manufacturer accepts liability. Many firms have asked governments to indemnify them, which is impossible where governments have no control. Pfizer, BioNTech, AstraZeneca and Moderna supply more than two-thirds of COVAX doses, but only a minority of them will accept the risk. Johnson & Johnson and three Chinese companies have agreed to, yet together they have supplied less than a third of COVAX doses. The result is that under 2 million doses have left the buffer, the only shipment reaching Iran in November, where many displaced Afghans live.

Industry groups call this caution rather than refusal, arguing that vaccine safety is hard to monitor in camps and that people may blame vaccines for unrelated illness. Evidence of actual litigation is thin: compensation schemes have paid little or nothing, and a few undisclosed awards have been made only in Europe. Still, the delay is concrete on the Thai-Myanmar border, where outbreaks in five of nine camps have produced about 3,000 confirmed cases and at least 26 deaths. Nosten's foundation is one of only three applicants approved, and the aid group handling camp residents says it is grateful for any vaccine. Delivery arrangements are still being finalised.

The buffer matters because other routes are narrow. Many governments have pledged to vaccinate displaced people, but migrants are often excluded in practice, and at least 40 countries do not cover unauthorised migrants. Health officials warn that unvaccinated, crowded populations could carry the virus and its variants far beyond their borders. Gavi's chief has publicly urged drugmakers to drop their indemnity demands, and the documents warn that new crises will only increase the pressure on a reserve that is still mostly empty.

In June, Francois Nosten, a French professor who coordinates healthcare for people from Myanmar living along the Thai border, put in a request for 70,000 COVID-19 vaccine doses. By December he was still waiting. Nosten, whose main work is malaria research, expects the shots this month and has been told they will be Sinopharm's. His request is one small test of a problem laid out in internal Gavi documents reviewed by Reuters: some of the world's biggest vaccine makers are reluctant to accept legal liability for side effects, and that reluctance is choking off a reserve meant for people no government is vaccinating.

The reserve is COVAX's Humanitarian Buffer, a last-resort stockpile of shots for refugees, migrants, asylum-seekers and people cut off from government help by disasters or conflict. Gavi, the public-private vaccine alliance created in 2000, set it up in March 2021 and planned to hold back up to 5% of the doses reaching COVAX, roughly 70 million so far. The buffer has no mechanism for compensating anyone harmed by a vaccine. Where the NGOs applying for doses cannot carry the legal risk themselves, Gavi says, deliveries can go ahead only if the manufacturer accepts liability.

Many manufacturers have asked countries to indemnify them against adverse events, the United Nations says, and that is impossible where governments are not in control. Gavi's documents, written for a board meeting starting at the end of November, say the firms willing to accept liability supply only a minority of COVAX doses. Pfizer and BioNTech, AstraZeneca and Moderna together account for more than two-thirds. Moderna declined to comment. Pfizer and AstraZeneca said they were in talks with Gavi but said no more. Pfizer added that it is working directly with the governments of Jordan and Lebanon to donate doses for refugees.

Three Chinese companies, SinoVac, Sinopharm and Clover Biopharmaceuticals, have agreed to shoulder the risk for buffer deliveries, as has Johnson & Johnson. Paul Stoffels, its chief scientific officer, said the company was proud to help protect the world's most vulnerable people. But these four firms have supplied less than a third of COVAX's doses, and Clover's shot is not yet approved, so it is not in use. The result: under 2 million doses have left the buffer. The only delivery so far, just over 1.6 million Sinopharm doses, reached Iran in November, where many displaced Afghans have arrived, according to UNICEF Iran. That is enough for about 800,000 people, and UNICEF says more will likely be needed. The UN data cited in the documents put the number at risk of exclusion from national programmes at about 167 million.

Industry groups describe the hesitation as caution, not refusal. The IFPMA said no company has refused to consider accepting the risk, but some felt they could not without knowing where and how their vaccines would be used. The EFPIA said continuous safety monitoring in refugee camps would be hard, and that people may blame a vaccine for unrelated problems, producing lawsuits that publicly question its safety and feed hesitancy. Evidence on actual litigation is thin. A US compensation programme has paid nothing, and neither has the WHO scheme for lower-income countries. A handful of awards, for undisclosed sums, have been made in Denmark, Germany, Norway and Switzerland. In the US, an emergency law shields drug makers except in cases of wilful misconduct. John T. Monahan of Georgetown University said manufacturers try to minimise legal risk almost everywhere, and that accepting carve-outs could make full immunity harder to win later.

The cost of delay is concrete on the Thai-Myanmar border. Nosten's Border Health Foundation is one of eight organisations worldwide to apply to distribute buffer shots and one of three Gavi has approved. His request covers some of the roughly 90,000 people in camps, but mostly unregistered migrants in Mae Sot and nearby villages. About 20,000 doses are earmarked for camp residents through the International Rescue Committee. Its Thailand director, Darren Hertz, said the group is grateful for any vaccine and judges the chance of a refugee suing over side effects to be extremely low. The IRC is handling significant outbreaks in five of nine border camps, with about 3,000 confirmed cases and at least 26 deaths. Applicants cannot choose their vaccine; Nosten said J&J's single dose would be easier than Sinopharm's two, but called Sinopharm better than nothing. Gavi says delivery arrangements are still being finalised.

The buffer matters because other routes are narrow. More than 100 governments have pledged to vaccinate displaced people where possible, the IOM says, but migrants are often excluded in practice by administrative or cultural barriers, and at least 40 countries have not included unauthorised migrants. UNHCR's Ann Burton said the liability issue is one reason agencies were slow to apply. Mireille Lembwadio of the IOM warned that leaving mobile, crowded populations unvaccinated could help spread the virus and its variants worldwide. Gavi's documents warn that unless all manufacturers accept liability, access will remain a challenge, and new crises will add demand. Gavi's chief, Seth Berkley, appealed publicly in September for drugmakers to drop their indemnity demands.

Leaving them unvaccinated could help spread the virus and its variants across the world.
— Mireille Lembwadio, Global Vaccination Coordinator, International Organization for Migration
At this point whatever vaccine we can secure we are grateful for.
— Darren Hertz, Thailand Director, International Rescue Committee
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