In New Delhi, Vladimir Putin joined leaders from eleven nations for a BRICS summit that has grown large enough to contain its own contradictions — Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE now sit at the same table, divided by a war that has reshaped the Middle East since February. India, the host, embodies the summit's central tension: a country that maintains ties with Tehran and Jerusalem, buys Russian energy while its foreign minister visits Kyiv, and now welcomes both Putin and Xi Jinping within the same diplomatic moment. What began in 2009 as a coalition of emerging powers challenging Western ins
Putin arrives in India for BRICS summit amid Middle East and Ukraine tensions
What had seemed like an achievement now appeared to constrain the group
Why does it matter that Putin is in India right now, specifically at this summit?
Because BRICS is supposed to be the alternative power structure—the countries that want to challenge Western dominance. But it's expanded so much that it's now full of members who are on opposite sides of the wars reshaping the world.
But has BRICS ever actually functioned as a unified bloc? Or is this just theater?
That's the question the summit is supposed to answer. They couldn't even agree on a joint statement when the foreign ministers met in May.
So India is caught in the middle of all this?
Exactly. India needs Russian energy because of the war on Iran, but it also has good relations with Israel. And it's trying to warm ties with China while managing deep mistrust. It's balancing acts all the way down.
Is there any indication that these bilateral meetings—Putin with Modi, Xi with Modi—will actually produce anything, or are they just diplomatic theater?
The source doesn't say. We know they're happening, but not what they'll discuss or what might come out of them.
What about Xi's visit? That seems significant.
It's his first time in India since 2019. After a deadly border clash in 2015, relations froze. This is a cautious warming, but the mistrust is still deep.
So the summit is really about whether these countries can find common ground despite their conflicts, and the answer so far is no?
That's what the May foreign ministers meeting suggested. Whether this summit changes that is what we're watching.
Il Polso
- A summit designed to project the collective weight of the Global South now risks exposing its deepest fractures, with Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE holding irreconcilable positions on a war that began just months after they joined.
- Putin's arrival in New Delhi — welcomed by Indian officials even as India's foreign minister had just stood beside Zelenskyy in Kyiv — captures the structural contradictions no diplomatic language can fully paper over.
- Xi Jinping's first visit to India since a deadly 2019 border clash signals a cautious thaw, but deep mistrust, a widening trade deficit, and an unresolved Himalayan frontier mean the warming is more gesture than settlement.
- The BRICS foreign ministers failed to produce a joint statement when they met in May, and that silence now shadows every plenary session and bilateral meeting in New Delhi.
- India has deployed security forces across the capital and asked residents to absorb traffic disruptions — the machinery of the state straining under the weight of the conflicts these leaders carry with them.
In New Delhi, Vladimir Putin joined leaders from eleven nations for a BRICS summit that has grown large enough to contain its own contradictions — Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE now sit at the same table, divided by a war that has reshaped the Middle East since February. India, the host, embodies the summit's central tension: a country that maintains ties with Tehran and Jerusalem, buys Russian energy while its foreign minister visits Kyiv, and now welcomes both Putin and Xi Jinping within the same diplomatic moment. What began in 2009 as a coalition of emerging powers challenging Western institutions has become something harder to name — a forum whose expansion may have outpaced its capacity for coherence.
Vladimir Putin landed at Palam Air Force Station on Friday, greeted by India's Minister of State for External Affairs, and made his way into a summit that had already begun to test the limits of its own ambition. The two-day BRICS gathering brought together eleven member states — including the original five founding economies and newer entrants Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE — to confront wars in Ukraine and the Middle East that none of them agree on.
The expansion of BRICS, celebrated as a geopolitical achievement just months ago, now looked like a complication. The three Gulf states hold fundamentally incompatible positions on the American-Israeli war against Iran that erupted in February. Analysts described the Gulf conflict as the summit's central fault line — a problem the group had invited inside its own walls by growing so quickly.
The bilateral meetings running alongside the plenary sessions carried their own weight. Putin was to meet India's Prime Minister Modi, as was Iran's President Pezeshkian, making his first visit to India since taking office. Xi Jinping's expected meeting with Modi marked his first return to the country since 2019, when a deadly clash along the disputed Himalayan border had frozen relations between the two nuclear-armed neighbors. Flights, visas, and high-level contacts had since been cautiously restored, but the mistrust remained structural — the border still contested, the trade deficit still widening.
India itself embodied the summit's contradictions. New Delhi maintained cordial ties with both Iran and Israel. It had drawn closer to Russia through energy partnerships made urgent by the war on Iran, even as its foreign minister visited Kyiv earlier in the month and heard Zelenskyy thank India for its commitment to ending what he called an unjust war. These were not rhetorical tensions — they were the operating conditions of Indian foreign policy.
The BRICS foreign ministers had met in New Delhi in May and failed to agree on a joint statement. That failure cast a long shadow. Whether the expanded group could hold together — or whether it would fracture along the very fault lines it was meant to transcend — was the question the summit had not yet answered.
Vladimir Putin stepped onto the tarmac at Palam Air Force Station in New Delhi on Friday, greeted by India's Minister of State for External Affairs Kirti Vardhan Singh. He had arrived for an 11-member BRICS summit that would spend two days wrestling with the wars reshaping the Middle East and Ukraine, alongside the economic fractures running through the global order.
The gathering itself had become a study in contradiction. BRICS began in 2009 as a coalition of five emerging economies—Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa—designed to challenge Western dominance of international institutions. It has since swallowed nine more members, including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. That expansion, celebrated as a victory just months ago, now looked like a liability. The three Gulf states held fundamentally incompatible positions on the American-Israeli war against Iran that had begun in February. Harsh V Pant, an analyst at India's Observer Research Foundation, put it plainly: the Gulf conflict would be the central fault line of the summit. What had seemed like an achievement of statecraft now appeared to constrain the group's ability to act.
Putin's presence underscored the tangle. He was there to meet with India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as was Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian—making his first visit to India in the role, and his first to the country in eight years. China's President Xi Jinping was also expected to meet Modi on the margins. The bilateral choreography mattered as much as the plenary sessions. India had to hold steady between Iran and Israel, maintaining cordial relations with both while managing a delicate balance with Washington. The energy crisis triggered by the war on Iran had pushed India closer to Russia, one of its most important strategic partners, even as Moscow's invasion of Ukraine continued. Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar had visited Kyiv earlier in the month, where President Volodymyr Zelenskyy thanked India for its commitment to ending what he called an unjust war. The contradictions were not rhetorical; they were structural.
New Delhi itself had been transformed for the occasion. Posters of Modi lined the streets. Security forces deployed across the capital. Traffic restrictions choked central districts. Delhi police asked residents for patience and cooperation. The machinery of state had shifted into high gear to manage the arrival of these leaders and the weight of the conflicts they carried with them.
For Xi, the visit marked his first return to India since 2019—a significant thaw between two nuclear-armed rivals. Six years earlier, a deadly military clash along their disputed Himalayan border had frozen relations. Since then, flights, visas, and high-level contacts had been gradually restored. Yet the warming was cautious and incomplete. Deep mistrust persisted. The contested frontier remained contested. India's trade deficit with China continued to widen. Strategic rivalry still complicated every interaction. Xi's presence in New Delhi was less a resolution than a tentative step toward one.
The BRICS foreign ministers had met in New Delhi in May and failed to produce a joint statement. That failure hung over the summit. Shilan Shah, an analyst at Capital Economics, saw the war in Iran as a stern test of whether the expanded group could hold together at all. The summit would reveal whether BRICS could function as anything more than a gathering of states with incompatible interests, or whether it would fracture along the very fault lines it was meant to transcend.
Citazioni salienti
The Gulf conflict is going to be the central fault line this time during the BRICS summit— Harsh V Pant, Observer Research Foundation
The war in Iran will provide a stern test of the expanded group's cohesion— Shilan Shah, Capital Economics