A major study from King's College London has laid bare a profound disconnect between public belief and statistical reality in England and Wales: people dramatically overestimate the role of ethnic minorities in violent and sexual crime, with those most anxious about immigration holding the most distorted views. The research, led by Professor Bobby Duffy, suggests these misperceptions are not born of careful reasoning but of emotional concern — shaped by selective media exposure and political messaging that confirms existing fears. At a time when parties across the democratic world are delibera
Public vastly overestimates minority ethnic involvement in UK killings, study finds
Misperceptions are messages about what we're worried about
Why does it matter that people get these numbers so wrong? Isn't some overestimation of crime pretty normal?
It matters because these aren't abstract statistics. When half the public believes in two-tier justice that doesn't exist, they stop trusting the courts. When Reform voters think 70 percent of killers are from ethnic minorities, that belief shapes how they vote, what policies they support, what they fear about their country.
But the survey shows this is emotional, not factual. People are anxious. Shouldn't we just educate them better?
That's the trap. Duffy's point is that facts alone won't fix this. If someone is already worried about immigration, showing them accurate crime statistics might not change their mind—it might even make them dig in harder. The emotion comes first. The selective media diet comes second. Facts come last.
So Reform voters are just more anxious than other voters?
They're more anxious about immigration and diversity specifically. And because they're anxious, they notice and remember crime stories involving foreign nationals or minorities. They're not lying or stupid. They're human. But the information ecosystem they're in—the media, the politics, the social networks—is feeding that anxiety with examples that confirm it.
What worries you most about this research?
That people are now convinced the system is rigged against them in the opposite direction—that minorities get away with crimes. That belief can justify anything. If you think justice is already broken, you might support politicians who promise to break it further in your favor.
Il Polso
- The public believes 55% of convicted killers come from ethnic minorities — the real figure is 35%, a gap wide enough to fundamentally distort how people understand crime in their society.
- Reform voters sit furthest from reality of all party supporters, estimating 70% of killers are from ethnic minorities and believing half of all sexual offences are committed by foreign nationals — figures that bear little resemblance to official data.
- Professor Bobby Duffy identifies the engine of distortion as emotional anxiety rather than ignorance: people who worry about immigration selectively absorb stories that confirm their fears, creating a self-reinforcing loop between feeling and belief.
- Over half the public now suspects a two-tier justice system exists — a belief unsupported by evidence, but one that, once held, makes people more likely to reject the legitimacy of courts and demand sweeping change.
- Generational media environment, not race or personal experience, best predicts how wrong someone's estimates will be — Gen Z and baby boomers of the same background hold starkly different views shaped by entirely different information worlds.
- With far-right movements across Europe and North America actively linking crime to ethnicity for electoral gain, the space between public misperception and political exploitation is narrowing, and the consequences for democratic trust are real.
A major study from King's College London has laid bare a profound disconnect between public belief and statistical reality in England and Wales: people dramatically overestimate the role of ethnic minorities in violent and sexual crime, with those most anxious about immigration holding the most distorted views. The research, led by Professor Bobby Duffy, suggests these misperceptions are not born of careful reasoning but of emotional concern — shaped by selective media exposure and political messaging that confirms existing fears. At a time when parties across the democratic world are deliberately fusing crime narratives with immigration politics, the distance between perception and truth has become a matter of civic consequence, capable of eroding trust in justice and generating policy built on foundations that do not exist.
A survey of nearly two thousand people across England and Wales has revealed a striking and consistent gap between public belief and recorded reality on crime and ethnicity. When asked what proportion of convicted killers come from ethnic minority backgrounds, respondents guessed 55 percent. The true figure is 35 percent. On homicides more broadly, people believed white people accounted for just 45 percent of killings; in reality, the figure is 64 percent.
The distortions were not evenly spread. Reform voters — whose party has placed immigration and cultural change at the centre of its politics — held the most skewed views of any group, estimating 70 percent of killers were from ethnic minorities, a full 35 percentage points above reality. The same pattern emerged on foreign national offenders: the public guessed they made up 25 percent of the prison population when the actual figure is 12 percent, and Reform supporters believed half of all sexual offences were committed by foreign nationals, against a true figure of 15 percent.
Professor Bobby Duffy, who led the King's College London research, located the cause not in ignorance but in psychology. Anxiety about immigration and diversity shapes which facts people notice and retain. Those who worry most about these issues are drawn to news, social media, and political messaging that confirms their fears, creating a feedback loop where emotion drives perception and selective exposure reinforces it.
A separate finding added further weight to these concerns: 52 percent of respondents believed ethnic or religious minorities received different sentences for the same crimes — a belief unsupported by evidence. Duffy warned that such convictions, once embedded, lead people to question the legitimacy of the justice system itself and to demand radical reform on false grounds. Trust in institutions, he observed, depends on people believing the system is fair — and that trust dissolves when imagined injustice feels real.
Perhaps the most telling result concerned age rather than identity. Generation Z respondents estimated white people committed 58 percent of homicides; baby boomers put the figure at 35 percent. Yet within each age group, white and non-white respondents gave nearly identical answers. The information environment people inhabit — the media they consume, the cultural moment they live in — proved more powerful than personal background or lived experience in shaping what they believe to be true. At a moment when political movements across Europe and North America are deliberately fusing crime with ethnicity to win votes, that gap between perception and reality has become something more than an academic concern.
A survey of nearly two thousand people across England and Wales has exposed a striking gap between what the public believes about crime and what the numbers actually show. Researchers at King's College London asked respondents to estimate what proportion of convicted killers come from ethnic minority backgrounds. The answers came back consistently wrong. People guessed 55 percent. The real figure is 35 percent. When asked about the racial breakdown of homicides, respondents thought white people committed just 45 percent of killings. In reality, white people account for 64 percent.
The distortion was not uniform across the political spectrum. Reform voters—those backing the party that has made immigration and cultural change central to its platform—held the most warped perceptions of all. They believed 70 percent of killers were from ethnic minorities, a gap of 35 percentage points from reality and 10 points wider than supporters of any other major party. The pattern repeated itself when the survey turned to foreign national offenders. The public estimated they made up 25 percent of the prison population; the actual figure is 12 percent. On sexual offences committed by foreign nationals, respondents guessed 30 percent when the true number is 15 percent. Reform voters again led the way in overestimation, believing half of all sexual offences were committed by foreign nationals—a claim 20 percentage points higher than what Conservative voters believed.
Professor Bobby Duffy, who led the research, offered an explanation rooted in psychology rather than ignorance. Misperceptions, he argued, flow from what people worry about. Concern about immigration and diversity doesn't simply follow from accurate knowledge of crime statistics; it shapes which facts people notice and remember. Someone anxious about these issues will naturally give more weight to news stories, social media posts, and political messaging that confirm their fears. The media diet people consume—whether mainstream news, social platforms, or political communications—tends to amplify examples that fit existing worries. The result is a feedback loop where emotion drives perception, and perception is reinforced by selective exposure to information.
The survey uncovered another troubling belief taking hold: the idea of two-tier justice. More than half of respondents, 52 percent, thought ethnic or religious minorities received different sentences for the same crimes. Of those, 29 percent believed minorities got off more leniently, while 23 percent thought they faced harsher punishment. Duffy warned that these unfounded beliefs matter. People who accept two-tier justice claims become more likely to question the legitimacy of the criminal system itself and to demand radical change. When those demands rest on false premises, the result can be policy shifts that are neither necessary nor effective. Trust in institutions, he noted, depends partly on the public believing the system works fairly—and that belief erodes when people are convinced of injustice that doesn't exist.
One finding stood out as particularly revealing about how these misperceptions form. When researchers looked at age groups, they found that generational cohort mattered far more than race. Generation Z respondents estimated that white people committed 58 percent of homicides; baby boomers put the figure at 35 percent. Yet when comparing white and non-white respondents within the same age group, their answers were nearly identical. This suggests that the information environment people inhabit—the news they see, the conversations they have, the cultural moment they live in—shapes their understanding more powerfully than personal experience or identity.
The survey also revealed that people overestimate their own exposure to crime. Respondents guessed that 27 percent of people had personally experienced crime in the previous year. The actual figure was 9.7 percent. Duffy described these misperceptions as expressions of emotional anxiety rather than the product of careful study. The public's estimates, he said, are messages about what worries them. At a moment when far-right parties across Europe and North America are explicitly trying to link crime to ethnicity and immigration to win votes, understanding how those perceptions form—and how far they can drift from reality—has become urgent. The gap between what people believe and what is true creates space for political movements to thrive.
Citazioni salienti
Misperceptions are partly driven by what we're worried about. Cause and effect run in both directions, where we inflate the scale of an issue if it's something we're concerned about.— Professor Bobby Duffy, King's College London
Our misperceptions are more of a general emotional reaction than careful study of the facts—we're sending messages about what's worrying us.— Professor Bobby Duffy