We're going to get illegal immigrants to leave, whether voluntarily or by force.
Kast plans to implement maximum security measures with total isolation of certain inmate profiles across Chilean prisons, details to follow in Monday's State of the Union address. The president reaffirmed commitment to removing illegal immigrants voluntarily or forcibly, attributing implementation delays to inherited infrastructure and outdated systems from prior administration.
- Kast plans total isolation of certain inmate profiles across Chilean prisons, infrastructure model to be detailed in Monday's State of the Union
- President attributes slower migration enforcement pace to inherited outdated digital systems and bureaucratic backlogs
- Boric administration failed to meet targets in homicides, drug trafficking, immigration enforcement, and gang suppression, according to Kast
President Kast outlined his security agenda including a new prison model based on total inmate isolation and stricter migration enforcement, criticizing the previous government's failure to meet security targets.
President José Antonio Kast sat down with CNN Chile's Mónica Rincón just days before his first State of the Union address, ready to defend the direction of his young administration and settle some scores with his predecessor. The conversation ranged across security, immigration, and the political future of his coalition, but it was his prison policy that drew the sharpest focus—a model built on what he called total isolation of certain inmates, the details of which he promised to unveil on Monday.
On security broadly, Kast was unsparing in his criticism of Gabriel Boric's government. He acknowledged that his administration would continue working within the existing National Public Security Policy framework that Boric had established, but he framed that as a pragmatic choice rather than an endorsement. "A government can define a strategy and fail to execute it," he said, and by his accounting, that's exactly what happened. Crime statistics had climbed across the board—homicides, organized crime, drug trafficking, neighborhood violence. "All the indices went up," he stated flatly. The previous administration had set targets in immigration enforcement, narcotics prosecution, and gang suppression, he argued, and met none of them. Where Boric's government had failed, Kast suggested his own was advancing methodically, area by area.
When pressed on whether his State of the Union would announce prisons without visitation rights, Kast reframed the question into something larger: a wholesale redesign of the penitentiary system centered on maximum-security protocols. His security minister had already signaled that such measures were coming. But Kast was careful not to lock himself into a specific infrastructure model. The core principle, he explained, would be total isolation of certain inmate profiles—but whether that meant a single massive new prison, smaller facilities scattered across the country, or isolation units within existing prisons remained to be determined. "We're going to generate total isolation," he said. "If that's a megaprison, if it's inside existing prisons, or if it's new smaller prisons—that's something we'll define as we go."
On immigration, Kast faced a trickier rhetorical position. During his campaign, he had promised to expel 330,000 undocumented migrants—a figure he had later walked back as metaphorical, then as hyperbolic. Rincón asked him directly about the gap between that promise and reality. Kast doubled down on the underlying goal while softening the language. "We're going to get illegal immigrants to leave the country, whether voluntarily or by force," he said. "We're going to solve the problem step by step." He attributed the slower-than-promised pace to the infrastructure he had inherited—outdated digital systems, bureaucratic backlogs, the machinery of government left in disrepair by his predecessor. The first thing his administration had done, he noted, was close the borders. Everything else would follow in sequence.
The conversation turned finally to the political future of his coalition. Several of his ministers, particularly Martín Arrau, the security chief, had begun to look like potential presidential candidates for the next election cycle. Kast was asked whether he saw "presidential material" in Arrau. He demurred from singling anyone out, but he made clear he saw potential in multiple figures within his government and his broader coalition. "We have to develop many leaders," he said. He expressed hope that anyone who had served with distinction in his administration—whether in municipal office, as a governor, in Congress, or in the cabinet—would have the opportunity to present themselves to voters. The specific choice of a successor would come later, he suggested, once his coalition had time to assess who could best carry forward what he was confident would be a successful government.
Notable Quotes
A government can define a strategy and fail to execute it. All the indices went up.— President José Antonio Kast, on the previous administration's security record
We're going to generate total isolation. If that's a megaprison, if it's inside existing prisons, or if it's new smaller prisons—that's something we'll define as we go.— President Kast, on his prison policy framework
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why announce a prison policy based on total isolation now, just before the State of the Union? Why not wait until you have the infrastructure details worked out?
Because the security crisis is immediate. People are afraid. Boric's government talked about security but didn't deliver results—the numbers prove it. Announcing the direction now, even if the specifics come later, signals that we're serious and we're moving.
But you're not actually saying whether this will be one massive prison or many smaller ones. Doesn't that seem vague to voters who want to know what's coming?
It's not vague about the goal—total isolation of certain inmates. The infrastructure question is genuinely open because we're still assessing what works best. We inherited systems that don't work. We need flexibility to build something that actually functions.
On the 330,000 migrants you promised to expel—you've already walked that back twice. How do you ask people to trust the numbers you're giving now?
The number was always about the scale of the problem, not a literal promise. What matters is the commitment: illegal immigrants will leave, one way or another. We've already closed the borders. The pace is constrained by what we inherited, not by our will.
You're talking about forcing people out of the country. That's a significant human intervention. How do you think about the consequences?
It's a security and sovereignty issue. Every country controls its borders and enforces immigration law. We're not doing anything extraordinary—we're doing what governments are supposed to do, and the previous government didn't.
One last thing: you're clearly grooming potential successors in your cabinet. Isn't that a distraction from governing right now?
No. Building leadership capacity is part of governing. If we do this well, people will want to continue the project. That's not distraction—that's sustainability.