They had never developed a strategy of their own
En Chile, el traspaso de poder no siempre implica un traspaso de ideas: el nuevo ministro de Seguridad, Martín Arrau, confirmó que el gobierno de Kast operará bajo la política nacional de seguridad diseñada por su antecesor Gabriel Boric, una decisión que revela cuánto más difícil es gobernar que prometer. La exministra Camila Vallejo no tardó en señalar la ironía, convirtiendo una decisión administrativa en un debate sobre la autenticidad del mandato electoral. En el fondo, el episodio plantea una pregunta que trasciende a Chile: ¿cuándo la continuidad es prudencia y cuándo es simplemente la ausencia de visión propia?
- El gobierno de Kast llegó al poder prometiendo una respuesta más dura y decidida frente al crimen organizado, pero su primer ministro de Seguridad no pudo presentar un plan propio cuando se le preguntó directamente.
- La tensión ya había cobrado una víctima institucional: Trinidad Steinert había abandonado el gabinete precisamente por desacuerdos en materia de seguridad, señal de que el tema es una herida abierta dentro de la administración.
- Arrau defendió la decisión apelando a la legalidad y la amplitud del marco existente, argumentando que la política de Boric es lo suficientemente flexible como para albergar las iniciativas del nuevo gobierno.
- Vallejo convirtió la declaración en munición política, acusando al gobierno de haber vendido slogans en lugar de soluciones y de haber adoptado, sin reconocerlo, el trabajo de la administración que criticó.
- El episodio deja al gobierno expuesto ante uno de los desafíos más urgentes del país, con una oposición energizada y una ciudadanía que sigue esperando respuestas concretas frente a la violencia y el crimen organizado.
Un lunes de mayo, el ministro de Seguridad Martín Arrau enfrentó una pregunta incómoda: ¿tiene el gobierno de Kast su propio plan para combatir el crimen y la violencia organizada? Su respuesta fue técnica y directa. La Ley 21.730 creó el Ministerio de Seguridad y estableció la obligatoriedad de una Política Nacional de Seguridad Pública. Esa política, elaborada bajo la administración de Gabriel Boric, tiene una vigencia de seis años, de los cuales quedan más de cinco. El gobierno actual, explicó Arrau, considera que ese marco es suficientemente amplio para implementar sus propias iniciativas sin necesidad de reemplazarlo.
Arrau también recordó que la campaña de Kast había presentado propuestas concretas en materia de seguridad, algunas de las cuales ya estaban en marcha. La polémica, sugirió, era exagerada.
Camila Vallejo, exsecretaria de gobierno del período anterior, no esperó mucho para responder. Con ironía afilada, anunció en redes sociales que el misterio había sido resuelto: el plan de seguridad del gobierno de Kast era, en realidad, el plan de Boric. Según Vallejo, el gobierno nunca había desarrollado una estrategia propia; había prometido orden y mano firme durante la campaña, pero esas palabras no tenían sustancia detrás.
El intercambio iluminó una contradicción central del nuevo gobierno: haber llegado al poder criticando la gestión de seguridad de su antecesor, para luego adoptar su arquitectura de política pública. En un país donde el crimen organizado ha dominado el debate político durante meses y ya ha generado turbulencias en el propio gabinete, la distancia entre la retórica electoral y las decisiones de gobierno quedó expuesta con claridad.
On a Monday afternoon in late May, Camila Vallejo, who had served as government secretary under the previous administration, took to social media with a pointed observation about Chile's new security minister. Earlier that same day, Martín Arrau had been asked a straightforward question: did the Kast government have its own plan to combat crime and organized violence? The question mattered because security policy had already cost the government one cabinet member—Trinidad Steinert had departed over these very disagreements.
Arrau's answer was measured and bureaucratic. Law 21.730, passed just over a year earlier, created the new Security Ministry and mandated the existence of a National Public Security Policy. That policy, he explained, had been established by former president Gabriel Boric and would remain in effect for six years total. More than five years of that mandate still remained. The current government, Arrau said, believed this existing framework was sufficient—broad enough to accommodate whatever specific programs and initiatives they might want to implement within it. They would operate under Boric's policy, not replace it.
Arrau added that the Kast campaign had presented robust security proposals to voters during the election. Some were already being implemented. The controversy, he suggested, was overblown.
Vallejo's response came swiftly and with unmistakable sarcasm. On social media, she announced that the Kast government had finally revealed its security plan: it was Boric's security plan. She continued: it seemed almost like a joke, but the reality was clear—they had never developed a strategy of their own. They had promised to resolve Chile's security crisis through order and firm governance, but those had been nothing more than campaign rhetoric. The substance behind the slogans, she implied, had never existed.
The exchange laid bare a tension at the heart of the new administration's approach to one of Chile's most pressing challenges. Crime and organized violence had dominated the political conversation for months. The previous government had struggled to contain it. The current government had campaigned on a tougher response. Yet when asked to articulate that response, the new security minister had essentially said: we will use the previous government's framework. It was a moment that exposed the gap between campaign promises and governing reality—and gave Vallejo, now in opposition, an opening to highlight it.
Notable Quotes
The government of Kast has finally revealed its security plan: it is Boric's security plan— Camila Vallejo, via social media
We believe that policy is sufficient, is broad, and gives space for certain policies and programs that can be implemented in the future— Martín Arrau, Security Minister
The Hearth Conversation Another angle on the story
Why does it matter that Kast's government is keeping Boric's security policy instead of creating its own?
Because security was the centerpiece of Kast's campaign. He ran on the promise of doing something different—something harder, more decisive. To then say "we'll just use what Boric left behind" suggests either that the previous policy was better than he claimed, or that he didn't have a real alternative ready.
But couldn't the minister be right—that the existing policy is flexible enough to accommodate new programs?
Technically, yes. But that's not what he was asked. He was asked if there's a plan. Saying "we'll work within an existing framework" is a different answer than "here's our plan." Vallejo's point is that the absence of a distinct plan reveals the absence of distinct thinking.
What does Trinidad Steinert's departure tell us?
That security policy has real stakes inside the government. Someone left the cabinet over this. That suggests there were disagreements about direction—disagreements that apparently weren't resolved by keeping the old policy.
Is Vallejo just being partisan, or is there substance to her criticism?
Both can be true. She's in opposition, so she has incentive to attack. But the fact that the government is adopting the previous administration's policy is a factual thing that happened. Whether you think that's smart or weak depends on your view of Boric's record and Kast's campaign promises.
What happens next?
The government will try to implement security improvements within the existing framework. If crime continues or worsens, Vallejo's criticism will look prescient. If it improves, the government can claim credit for better execution of the same policy.