On an election night in Nazareth, a Joint List official voiced a choice that has long hung over Israeli politics: whether to press for supremacy or to build a democracy that includes its Palestinian citizens. The exit polls that prompted the remark show Palestinian parties rising from 10 to roughly 17 or 18 Knesset seats, a shift that matters less for its arithmetic alone than for what it asks of those who have long treated Arab Israelis as a bloc to be managed rather than a partner to be heard. With the two main blocs tied and neither near the 61 seats needed to govern, the country now stands
Palestinian Parties' Knesset Gains Force Israel's Opposition to Choose: Cooperate or Hand Netanyahu a Lifeline
He would owe his resurrection to his avowed political enemies
Why does a rise from 10 to 17 or 18 seats matter so much if neither bloc reaches 61 anyway?
Because it changes who has to talk to whom. Eisenkot can't get to a majority on his own, so the Palestinian parties stop being an afterthought and become part of the arithmetic.
Keep in mind those are exit-poll projections, not final results. The 17 to 18 range and the tie could both shift once real votes are counted.
And Ra'am looks like the easier partner?
Yes. Mansour Abbas already sat in Naftali Bennett's government, has a Jewish Zionist deputy, and said his priority is bringing down Netanyahu, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir.
But the source says Ra'am's projected seven seats may not be enough for a majority even with everyone's consent. That's an open question, not a solution.
What about the Joint List?
Eisenkot has four conditions, including accepting conscription and denouncing Hamas. Amjad Shbita of Hadash says conditions won't work and talks must be between equals.
We don't know yet whether either side will bend. Those are opening positions, stated while votes were still being counted.
So what is the risk for Eisenkot if talks fail?
A shaky minority government, then probably another election, which Netanyahu could use to push his slogan, "the Right or Palestine."
Worth noting that's the Guardian's analysis of how events could play out, not something that has happened.
Der Puls
- Exit polls put Palestinian parties at 17 to 18 seats, their strongest showing in years, and the Knesset arithmetic suddenly turns on them.
- Eisenkot's opposition bloc and Netanyahu's coalition are deadlocked, with neither in reach of the 61-seat majority.
- Eisenkot's four conditions for the Joint List, including conscription and recognition of Israel as Jewish, have drawn an immediate refusal from Hadash.
- Ra'am looks the easier door, but at seven seats it may not carry a majority even with unanimous support from Eisenkot's bloc.
- If talks fail, Herzog's six-week mandate rotations could drag on and push the country toward a repeat election that may favour Netanyahu.
On an election night in Nazareth, a Joint List official voiced a choice that has long hung over Israeli politics: whether to press for supremacy or to build a democracy that includes its Palestinian citizens. The exit polls that prompted the remark show Palestinian parties rising from 10 to roughly 17 or 18 Knesset seats, a shift that matters less for its arithmetic alone than for what it asks of those who have long treated Arab Israelis as a bloc to be managed rather than a partner to be heard. With the two main blocs tied and neither near the 61 seats needed to govern, the country now stands at a threshold where old habits of exclusion and new possibilities of coalition are colliding.
At the Joint List's victory party in Nazareth, in the early hours of Wednesday, an official framed the choice before the opposition bluntly: it would have to pick between supremacy and building a democracy. The remark came as Tuesday's exit polls suggested Palestinian parties had won their strongest Knesset presence in years, with 17 to 18 seats, up from 10. That shift reshapes the whole contest, since Arab Israeli voters can no longer be easily sidelined.
The same polls left Gadi Eisenkot's opposition bloc and Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition tied, with neither reaching the 61 seats needed for a majority. If the results hold, President Isaac Herzog would decide whom to ask first to form a government, passing the task along every six weeks, while Netanyahu's coalition would remain in a caretaker role for as long as it took.
Eisenkot's path to power runs through two Palestinian groupings. Ra'am, led by Mansour Abbas, is the likelier partner: Abbas has served in a right-leaning government before and says his priority is to remove Netanyahu, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. But at around seven seats, Ra'am may not be enough on its own. The Joint List, projected at 11 or more, is harder. Eisenkot demands recognition of Israel as Jewish and democratic, acceptance of its declaration of independence, conscription for Palestinian citizens, and a denunciation of Hamas. Hadash's Amjad Shbita rejected conditions outright, insisting on negotiating as equals.
Without such deals, a minority government would be fragile and could lead to another election, where Netanyahu might rally conservative voters. He has survived many setbacks before. This time, however, any return would depend on the very opponents he has cast as enemies. The next signals to watch are the final counts and whether Herzog's first call goes to Eisenkot.
In the early hours of Wednesday, at the Joint List's victory party in Nazareth, one party official put the choice facing Israel's opposition in blunt terms: the Zionist opposition, he said, will have to choose between supremacy and building democracy. It was a reaction to Tuesday's exit polls, which suggest the election has handed Palestinian parties their strongest showing in the Knesset in years.
The projections have Palestinian parties winning 17 to 18 seats, up from 10. That is the biggest change between the old parliament and the new one, and it alters the arithmetic of the whole contest. Arab Israelis, the analysis in The Guardian argues, will not be so easily sidelined and ignored.
The same exit polls put the opposition bloc led by Gadi Eisenkot and Benjamin Netanyahu's governing coalition in a tie. Netanyahu's Likud could still end up as the largest single party, but neither side reaches the 61 seats needed for a majority in the 120-seat Knesset. Eisenkot declared the polls a victory for Israel's Zionist national majority, though the real outcome looks far more complicated than that.
If actual results confirm a deadlock, President Isaac Herzog would have discretion over whom to ask first to try to form a government. A candidate who cannot succeed within six weeks sees the task passed to the next option. The process could run very long, and through all of it Netanyahu's coalition would remain in place in a caretaker role.
Eisenkot can argue that he still has a path to a majority. But he and his partners in the so-called change bloc would have to sit down with the two Palestinian groupings: the Joint List and Ra'am, short for the United Arab List.
Ra'am, led by Mansour Abbas, would probably be the easier partner. Abbas has already served in a right-leaning government under Naftali Bennett, who is now a junior partner in Eisenkot's bloc. He has a Jewish Zionist deputy, has shown willingness to compromise, and said emphatically on Tuesday that his priority is to bring down Netanyahu, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. The difficulty is size: most estimates based on the exit polls make Ra'am the smaller grouping, with seven projected seats, and it is unclear that would be enough for a majority even with the consent of everyone in Eisenkot's bloc.
The Joint List, projected at 11 or more seats, would be a tougher negotiation. Eisenkot has set four conditions: recognise Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, accept the values of its declaration of independence, accept conscription for Palestinian citizens of Israel, who are currently exempt, and denounce Hamas as a terrorist organisation. Amjad Shbita, general secretary of Hadash, the socialist party that is the largest faction in the Joint List, rejected the approach as votes were being counted. "Laying down conditions won't work with the Joint List," he said. "We will negotiate as equals because we need each other."
Without a deal with one or both groupings, Eisenkot could try to run a minority government, relying on informal vote-by-vote agreements. That would be unstable and would make another election more likely, giving Netanyahu a chance to rally conservative Jewish voters and claim vindication for his campaign slogan, "the Right or Palestine," which rhymes in Hebrew.
Netanyahu has looked beaten before in three decades at or near the top and has come back each time on the strength of his tactical skill as a dealmaker. No one is ruling out another escape. This time, though, if he returns, he would owe it to his declared opponents for offering a lifeline rather than making historic compromises across Israel's deep racial divide. The next things to watch are the final counts and whether Herzog's first call goes to Eisenkot.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
Laying down conditions won't work with the Joint List. We will negotiate as equals because we need each other.— Amjad Shbita, general secretary of Hadash
The Zionist opposition will have to choose between supremacy and building democracy.— Joint List party official, Nazareth