Palestinian adviser sues NSW over keffiyeh ban at Sydney school

El-Haj took periods of leave during 2024 and resigned from his position in March 2025 following the directive.
Schools need to remain free of symbols which may cause discord
The justification offered by the school principal for ordering El-Haj to remove his keffiyeh.
Mark

So El-Haj wore the keffiyeh starting in January 2024. Why that moment? Was there something specific that prompted him to start wearing it then?

Mimi

The source doesn't say. We know it was three months after October 7 and the start of the war in Gaza, but the reporting doesn't explain his personal reasoning for beginning to wear it at that time.

Luke

That's an important gap. We're told when he started but not why. It matters for understanding whether this was a deliberate political statement or simply a cultural practice he decided to express at work.

Mark

The principal said the direction came "from above, possibly from the minister." How much weight should we give that?

Mimi

Denyer said it came from above, possibly from the minister. That's what El-Haj alleges Denyer told him. But we don't have confirmation from the minister's office or anyone else in the chain of command that such a direction actually came down.

Luke

Right. We know what Denyer allegedly said. We don't know if the direction actually originated higher up or if Denyer was invoking authority he didn't have. The source material doesn't clarify that.

Mark

The department's letter talks about keeping schools "politically neutral." Is wearing cultural dress inherently political?

Mimi

That's the core question the court will have to answer. The department acknowledged the keffiyeh has cultural significance for Palestinians, but treated it as a political symbol that could cause discord. El-Haj's argument, presumably, is that cultural dress shouldn't be classified as political speech.

Luke

The department's reasoning assumes that any symbol associated with a conflict becomes a political statement by definition. But that's contestable. A cross is religious dress; so is a hijab. The keffiyeh is cultural dress. Whether it becomes political depends on context and intent, which the reporting doesn't fully explore.

Mark

What happened to El-Haj after he resigned?

Mimi

The source doesn't say. We know he took leave during 2024 and resigned in March 2025. After that, the reporting ends.

Luke

That's another gap. We don't know if he found other work, whether he's still in education, what the personal fallout has been. The human story after the resignation is missing.

  • A Palestinian school adviser was ordered to remove a keffiyeh he had worn daily for months, with officials warning that any symbol of Palestine was being treated as a symbol of conflict.
  • Despite filing an internal complaint and appealing to the department's secretary, El-Haj found every institutional door closed — the ban was upheld in the name of political neutrality.
  • The pressure of the directive eroded his working life: he took repeated periods of leave throughout 2024 before resigning his position entirely in March 2025.
  • El-Haj has now filed a federal racial discrimination case against New South Wales, arguing the state unlawfully targeted his cultural identity under the guise of maintaining a neutral school environment.
  • With a case management hearing set for November, Australian courts will be asked to rule on whether restricting culturally significant dress to preserve institutional neutrality crosses the line into racial discrimination.

In the corridors of a Sydney school, a Palestinian careers adviser's choice to wear a keffiyeh became the site of a deeper contest — one between institutional demands for neutrality and an individual's right to carry his cultural identity into public life. Wasim El-Haj, directed to remove the traditional scarf in May 2024 and ultimately pushed from his position by March 2025, has brought the matter before Australia's federal court, asking whether a state's desire to appear apolitical can lawfully silence the visible heritage of those it employs. The case arrives at a moment when questions of belonging, representation, and the limits of institutional authority press urgently against one another, and its outcome may redefine where cultural expression ends and political disruption is said to begin.

Wasim El-Haj had been wearing a keffiyeh to work at Sydney Girls High School since January 2024 — a traditional Palestinian scarf carrying decades of cultural and political weight. Four months in, the acting principal called him in and told him the garment had to go. The instruction, he was told, had come from above. A follow-up email made the terms plain: the keffiyeh was not to be worn at school or during any work-related duties, on the grounds that such symbols stirred emotions and risked causing discord. In a separate exchange, El-Haj was told that any symbol of Palestine was being read as a symbol of conflict.

El-Haj pushed back through every available channel. An internal complaint produced nothing. An appeal to the department's secretary, Murat Dizdar, resulted in a letter that acknowledged the keffiyeh's cultural meaning to Palestinians — and then upheld the ban anyway. Schools, Dizdar wrote, needed to protect community wellbeing and remain politically neutral in the face of events that could affect their operations. The Middle East conflict, he noted, was one such event.

The toll was personal and professional. El-Haj took stretches of leave across 2024 and resigned from the school in March 2025. He has since filed a racial discrimination claim in federal court, arguing that ordering him to remove a garment central to his identity — because it might be perceived as political — constitutes unlawful discrimination on the basis of race and national origin. The NSW Department of Education has yet to file its defence, maintaining only that it is committed to neutral and apolitical school environments. A case management hearing in November will begin to set the terms for what promises to be a significant legal test of where cultural dress rights end and institutional authority begins.

Wasim El-Haj wore a keffiyeh to work at Sydney Girls High School starting in January 2024. The traditional Palestinian scarf, worn for decades as a symbol tied to the struggle for Palestinian statehood, was part of his daily appearance at the inner-city selective government school. Four months later, in May, the acting principal Geoffrey Denyer called him in for a meeting.

Denyer told El-Haj he had been directed to order him to remove the garment. The direction, Denyer indicated, came from above—possibly from the minister's office. If El-Haj did not comply, there would be consequences. That same day, after El-Haj asked for the instruction in writing, Denyer sent an email laying out the terms. The keffiyeh should not be worn at school or while performing any duties connected to his employment. The email framed the restriction in bureaucratic language: schools needed to remain free of symbols that stirred emotions and "may cause discord." In a separate conversation, Denyer allegedly told El-Haj that any symbol of Palestine was viewed as a symbol of conflict.

El-Haj did not accept the directive quietly. He filed an internal complaint, but it went nowhere. He appealed to Murat Dizdar, the secretary of the NSW Department of Education. In February 2025, Dizdar responded with a letter that acknowledged the keffiyeh held cultural significance for Palestinians but upheld the ban. The department, Dizdar wrote, needed to protect the "safety, wellbeing and security" of school communities. He noted that schools were not immune to external events—the Middle East conflict, the loss of innocent lives—and that some people might politicize global conflicts or perceive them as politicized. Public schools, he argued, had to remain politically neutral when such events could affect operations.

The weight of the decision bore down on El-Haj's employment. He took periods of leave during 2024. In March 2025, he resigned from Sydney Girls High School. The job was over.

Now, in federal court, El-Haj is suing the state of New South Wales for racial discrimination. His statement of claim, filed last month, alleges that the state's conduct breached the Racial Discrimination Act. He is arguing that ordering him to remove a garment central to his cultural identity—on the grounds that it might upset others or be seen as a political symbol—constitutes unlawful discrimination based on his race and national origin.

The NSW Department of Education has not yet filed its defence. A spokesperson said the department remained committed to maintaining "neutral and apolitical school environments, in line with its policies." The department declined further comment while the matter is before the court. The case is scheduled for a case management hearing on November 3, where the court will set the timeline for the legal battle ahead. What remains to be tested is whether a school's desire for political neutrality can justify restricting the cultural dress of a staff member, and whether that restriction crosses the line into racial discrimination under Australian law.

Any symbol of Palestine is seen as a symbol of conflict
— Geoffrey Denyer, acting principal, allegedly told El-Haj
Our schools need to remain free of symbols which stir these emotions, and which may cause discord
— From the email sent by Denyer outlining the direction
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