At the Gate of Tears, where the Red Sea narrows into one of the world's most consequential passages, an Iran-backed militia has seized a historic port and now threatens to close the strait that links the Indian Ocean to global commerce. The violence has already crossed borders, drawing blood in Saudi Arabia and leaving children dead in Yemen. Pakistan, bound by a new trilateral defence pact with Riyadh and Ankara, has stepped forward not with soldiers but with a warning — a measured signal that the architecture of regional alliances is under strain, and that the distance between diplomacy and
Pakistan holds fire as Houthis tighten grip on Red Sea chokepoint
When time comes, we will act under the agreement
So Pakistan is saying it won't act militarily right now, but it's also warning Iran. What's the actual leverage there?
Pakistan's leverage is the Makkah agreement itself. If the Houthis keep hitting Saudi Arabia and it spills over, Pakistan has committed to treating that as an attack on itself. Iran knows that means Pakistan could move from mediator to combatant.
But here's the thing—we have one Iranian official saying Iran doesn't control the Houthis, and then Iranian sources saying Tehran just told them to attack and sent Revolutionary Guard commanders. Which is it?
That's the contradiction at the heart of this. Iran publicly denies control while apparently directing operations. Pakistan's warning is essentially calling that bluff.
And if Iran doesn't rein them in? What does Pakistan actually do?
That's where it gets complicated. Pakistani sources say any military role would be defensive and confined to Saudi territory—air support, technical help, that kind of thing. Not boots on the ground in Yemen.
So we don't actually know if Pakistan would fight. We know what officials say they would do, but we don't know if they will. And we don't know if Iran can actually stop the Houthis even if it wanted to.
Right. The diplomat quoted in the reporting said Islamabad is hoping it doesn't reach that point. They're trying to prevent escalation through warning, not through action.
What about the human cost here? Three kids killed, 73 wounded in one attack?
Those are real casualties from real attacks. The Houthis are striking oil infrastructure and military bases, but civilians are getting hurt.
And we should note—those numbers come from the Saudi-led coalition and Yemen's government. The Houthis would likely dispute them or offer different figures. We're getting one side's accounting of the damage.
Fair point. So what's the actual risk if this keeps escalating?
A proxy conflict becomes a regional war. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey formally aligned against Iran-backed forces. That changes the entire Middle East equation.
And that's why Pakistan is being so careful with its language. It's not saying no, it's saying not yet. The agreement is real, but the commitment to use it is still conditional.
El Pulso
- Houthi forces have captured the Red Sea port of Mocha and are pressing toward the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, threatening to strangle one of the arteries of global trade.
- Strikes on Saudi oil infrastructure and a military airbase wounded 73 people in a single day, while Houthi artillery killed three children in Yemen — the human cost of a conflict accelerating beyond its borders.
- Pakistan invoked the Makkah defence pact with Saudi Arabia and Turkey, warning Iran directly that continued Houthi aggression could trigger a joint military response under the agreement's collective defence clause.
- Iran publicly denied controlling the Houthis, yet regional sources claim Tehran ordered the Saudi strikes, provided fresh funding, and deployed Revolutionary Guard commanders to Yemen to coordinate the campaign.
- Saudi, Pakistani, and Turkish military officials have already met in Riyadh to align their response — agreeing that any action would be defensive, launched from Saudi soil, and would stop short of sending troops into Yemen.
- The window for a diplomatic resolution is narrowing: if Pakistan's warning fails to restrain the Houthis, Islamabad may find itself drawn from the margins of this conflict toward its centre.
At the Gate of Tears, where the Red Sea narrows into one of the world's most consequential passages, an Iran-backed militia has seized a historic port and now threatens to close the strait that links the Indian Ocean to global commerce. The violence has already crossed borders, drawing blood in Saudi Arabia and leaving children dead in Yemen. Pakistan, bound by a new trilateral defence pact with Riyadh and Ankara, has stepped forward not with soldiers but with a warning — a measured signal that the architecture of regional alliances is under strain, and that the distance between diplomacy and war is shrinking.
The Houthis have seized Mocha, a historic Red Sea port, and are closing in on the Bab al-Mandeb Strait — the narrow passage between Yemen and the African coast long known as the Gate of Tears. Control of this chokepoint would give the Iran-backed group leverage over global shipping lanes and a powerful instrument of regional pressure.
The escalation has been rapid and bloody. In a single day this week, Houthi forces struck a Saudi airbase and oil infrastructure in Khamis Mushait, wounding 73 people in what officials called one of the largest attacks on the kingdom since the US-Israeli campaign against Iran began in February. Yemen's internationally recognised government separately accused the group of an artillery strike that killed three children.
Pakistan has responded with calibrated firmness. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Sajjad Haider Khan stated that no military action is currently under discussion, but that Pakistan would act when circumstances required. The weight behind those words comes from the Makkah agreement — a joint defence pact signed last month by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey — under which an attack on any one signatory is treated as an attack on all. Defence Minister Khawaja Asif was unambiguous: unprovoked aggression spilling into Saudi territory would make the pact operational.
Behind the public statements, Islamabad delivered a direct warning to Tehran on Tuesday, urging Iran to restrain its Houthi allies before the crisis widens. A senior Iranian official confirmed the message was received. Iran's public response was dismissive — the Houthis act independently, Tehran insists — yet regional sources told a different story, describing Iranian instructions to carry out the Saudi strikes, promises of new weapons and funding, and the deployment of Revolutionary Guard commanders to Yemen to help coordinate operations.
The military groundwork is quietly being laid. Senior Pakistani, Saudi, and Turkish military officials have met in Riyadh to align their posture, agreeing that any response would be defensive, confined to Saudi territory, and would not involve troops entering Yemen. Pakistani sources were careful to frame their commitment as protective rather than offensive — ground, air, or technical support within the kingdom, but no combat operations on foreign soil.
The strategic irony is not lost on observers. By targeting Gulf security in an effort to pressure Washington over its blockade of Iranian ports, Tehran risks accelerating exactly the kind of US-aligned security coordination it seeks to fracture. For now, Pakistan is holding its position at the edge of involvement — but if the Houthis press forward and diplomacy fails, the Makkah agreement may shift from a theoretical commitment to an active military alliance.
The Houthis have taken the Red Sea port city of Mocha and are tightening their grip on the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, one of the world's most critical shipping passages. The strait, which sits between Yemen and the African coast of Djibouti and Eritrea, has earned its grim nickname—the Gate of Tears—for the treacherous waters that make navigation perilous. For the Iran-backed militia, control of this chokepoint represents a major strategic prize, one that threatens to disrupt global commerce and reshape the balance of power in the Middle East.
The escalation has been swift and violent. Over the past week, fighting across Yemen has spilled beyond the country's borders into Saudi Arabia, where Houthi attacks have targeted oil installations and military facilities. On Tuesday alone, the group struck an airbase in Khamis Mushait and oil infrastructure in nearby cities, wounding 73 people in what officials described as one of the largest attacks on the kingdom since the US-Israeli campaign against Iran began in February. Meanwhile, Yemen's internationally recognised government has accused the Houthis of an artillery attack that killed three children, adding to the mounting toll of civilian casualties.
Pakistan's response has been measured but pointed. On Thursday, Pakistani Foreign Ministry spokesperson Sajjad Haider Khan stated that while no military action was currently under discussion, Pakistan would act when circumstances demanded it. This carefully worded position reflects the weight of the Makkah agreement, a joint defence pact signed last month between Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. Under its terms, an armed attack on any one of the three nations is considered an attack on all of them. Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Asif underscored the seriousness of this commitment, telling Pakistani television that unprovoked aggression or spillover into Saudi territory would make the agreement operational. "There is no ambiguity or doubt," he said.
Behind the scenes, Pakistan has been more forceful. According to regional sources, Islamabad conveyed a direct warning to Iran over the past 24 hours, urging Tehran to rein in its Houthi allies before the crisis spirals into a broader regional conflict. A senior Iranian official confirmed to Reuters that Pakistan delivered this message on Tuesday. Tehran's response was blunt: Iran does not control the Houthis. Yet Iranian sources told a different story, claiming that Tehran had instructed the Houthis to carry out attacks on Saudi Arabia and had promised additional funding and weapons. Several Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps commanders had travelled to Yemen to help coordinate the strikes, they said.
The diplomatic calculus is delicate. Pakistan has spent years balancing its relationships with both Saudi Arabia and Iran, and this warning represents a significant shift in tone. A senior regional diplomat told Reuters that Islamabad was attempting to restrain the Houthis before escalation reached a point where Saudi Arabia could demand more active Pakistani involvement. "Pakistan has an agreement with Saudi Arabia, but I am hopeful the situation will not reach the point where Pakistan has to practically step in," the diplomat said. "It will pursue a diplomatic solution for now."
Yet the military machinery is being readied. Saudi officials have met with senior Pakistani and Turkish military representatives in Riyadh to coordinate their response. The three countries have agreed that their troops will not enter Yemen and that any response would be launched from Saudi territory. Pakistani sources stressed that their military pact with Riyadh is defensive and limited to protecting Saudi territory—Pakistani forces could provide military, technical, ground, or air support within Saudi Arabia, but would not take part in combat operations on foreign soil.
Iran has rejected accusations that it controls the Houthis. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei stated that the group acts independently and takes orders from no one, accusing the United States of driving regional instability through its military presence and hegemonistic policies. He called on Washington to withdraw its military involvement if it genuinely sought peace in the region. The irony is sharp: by targeting Gulf security in an attempt to pressure Washington over its blockade of Iranian ports, Tehran risks achieving the opposite of its intended effect, driving Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Turkey, and other US-aligned states into closer security coordination rather than fracturing their ties.
What happens next depends on whether Pakistan's warning to Iran takes hold. If the Houthis continue their attacks and the situation escalates further, the Makkah agreement could transform from a theoretical commitment into an active military alliance, pulling Pakistan into a conflict it has so far managed to observe from the margins. For now, Islamabad is holding fire, but the window for diplomacy is narrowing.
Citas Notables
There is no such thing under discussion right now. When time comes, we will act under the agreement.— Sajjad Haider Khan, Pakistani Foreign Ministry spokesperson
An aggression on one country will be considered an aggression on all three countries. Unprovoked aggression or spillover into Saudi Arabia will definitely make this agreement operational.— Khawaja Asif, Pakistani Defence Minister