Orbán-era target CEU opens door to expanding Budapest presence under Hungary's new government

Hands reaching out, but the government has many other things to do
Schneider describes the state of contact between CEU and Hungary's new government, with no formal talks yet.
Mark

Why does a university saying it might expand in Budapest count as news when nothing has been agreed?

Mimi

Because of who is saying it. CEU was forced to move its main activities to Vienna in 2019, so even openness to coming back signals some confidence in Hungary's direction after Magyar's April win.

Luke

But it is only openness. No formal talks have happened, and Schneider himself says the government has many other things to do.

Mark

What would a return actually look like?

Mimi

Not a full one. Schneider says CEU is thriving in Vienna and wants to increase programmes in Budapest, as long as students aren't hurt by the 200km-plus distance between cities.

Luke

Right, and the real decision belongs to the 13-member board, which includes George and Alexander Soros. Nothing in the reporting says what the board thinks.

Mark

Money seems to matter too.

Mimi

He said any upgraded status depends on goodwill and funding independent of the Hungarian government. CEU is privately funded, and he stressed it wants no special treatment.

Mark

And the comparison with the US?

Mimi

US students are now the largest master's cohort at 10%, after applications rose following Trump's pressure on universities.

Luke

That link is Schneider's account of the trend, not something shown independently here. And his view of Magyar is an assessment. He raises doubts himself about whether Hungary becomes a post-illiberal model.

  • A university forced out of its home city by law and pressure is now being courted back, but no formal talks have started.
  • The board, including George and Alexander Soros, must decide, and any expansion hinges on funding independent of the state.
  • Students fear the cost of splitting their studies between Budapest and Vienna, so any return must let them combine courses without the 200km commute.
  • The institution is thriving in Vienna, so leaders insist on no special treatment and no wholesale homecoming.
  • Hungary's new government faces a difficult economy and competing priorities, and the true test of its promise will come when its movement faces strain.

In the years after Hungary's politics turned against it, Central European University, founded by George Soros to help anchor democratic change in the region, was driven out of Budapest and rebuilt across the border in Vienna. Now that a new government under Péter Magyar has promised to restore academic freedom, the institution's interim leader says it would welcome growing back into the city, though only on terms that protect students and keep its funding free of the state. No talks have yet begun, and a full return is not on the table. It is a small, cautious turn in a longer story about whether a democracy can recover what it lost, and whether those who rebuilt elsewhere will be invited home.

Viktor Orbán spent years pressing Central European University out of Hungary, and it is now open to growing its presence in Budapest again. Carsten Q Schneider, the university's interim president, told the Guardian that CEU would like to expand its programmes there, provided the student experience is not harmed. No formal talks have yet taken place with Péter Magyar's government, which came to power in April on promises to fight corruption and restore academic freedom.

The history is what gives the overture its weight. George Soros founded CEU in 1991 to help entrench democratic change in the region. A law widely seen as aimed at it forced the university to stop awarding degrees in Budapest, and in 2019 its main activities moved to Vienna. The EU's highest court later struck the law down, but the ruling came too late to keep the university in place. Today CEU still keeps 312 mostly administrative staff in Budapest, while most of its staff and all of its teaching are in Vienna, serving more than 1,400 students from 103 countries.

Schneider said any upgrade in Budapest would depend on goodwill and on funding independent of the government, and the decision rests with a 13-member board that includes the Soros family. "We don't want special treatment," he said. "We are a great asset, so let's work out something." He has no plan for a wholesale return, since the university is thriving in Vienna, where US students have become its largest master's group for the first time in its history. He also reflected on the tens of thousands who once marched in Budapest in CEU's defence, calling it one of the most humbling moments of his career.

He remains wary. Magyar, he believes, has the best sense of how to beat a skilled illiberal populist, yet tearing down a regime requires different skills from building a democracy. Hungary could become a model of restoration, but its economy is struggling, and the real test will come if the movement that carried Magyar to power begins to fracture.

A university that Viktor Orbán spent years trying to push out of Hungary is now open to growing its footprint in Budapest again. Carsten Q Schneider, interim president and rector of Central European University, told the Guardian the institution would like to expand its programmes in the Hungarian capital, provided the move does not harm the student experience.

No formal talks have taken place with Hungary's new government, which has promised to restore academic freedom. Schneider described the situation this way: both sides are reaching out, but the government has many other things to do. The change in outlook follows Péter Magyar's landslide victory in April, won on pledges to root out corruption and reform the state.

The history explains why the overture matters. George Soros, the Hungarian-American financier and philanthropist, founded CEU in 1991 to help entrench democratic change in the region. A law widely seen as aimed at the university forced it to stop awarding degrees in Budapest, and in 2019, under pressure from Orbán's government, it moved its main activities to Vienna. In 2020 the EU's highest court struck down the so-called Lex CEU, ruling that it violated the EU charter of fundamental rights, but the verdict arrived too late to keep the university in place.

The university still has a Budapest presence: 312 staff there, mostly administrative. The larger share, 476 staff, and all of the teaching are in Vienna. CEU is privately funded and focuses on social sciences, law and humanities. It has more than 1,400 students from 103 countries, mostly in master's and PhD programmes.

Schneider said upgrading CEU's status in Budapest would be a symbol of academic freedom and resilience, but it would depend on goodwill and on funding independent of the Hungarian government. The decision belongs to the university's 13-member board, which includes Soros and his son Alexander Soros. "We don't want special treatment," Schneider said. "We are a great asset, so let's work out something." He was clear that CEU, which he said is thriving in Vienna, does not intend a wholesale return. Any change would need to protect students' ability to combine courses, for example in economics and history, without travelling the 200km-plus between the two cities.

Vienna has brought another shift. According to Schneider, US students now make up the largest group of master's students, at 10%, for the first time in the university's 25-year history. Applications from the US have risen since Donald Trump returned to the White House and began a sweeping campaign against elite universities, including cutting federal funding and seeking control over internal policies. Schneider has held informal talks with US academics about defending academic freedom against rightwing populists. His advice: don't be naive, because these people have a plan and want cultural hegemony. He added that Trump and allied movements, such as Germany's Alternative für Deutschland, have identified real problems, citing the way US universities have entrenched a reproduction of elites. Universities under political pressure, he said, should look for allies among other institutions, students, alumni and parents, and defend disciplines under attack, such as gender studies.

He recalled the tens of thousands who protested in Budapest in defence of CEU as one of the most humbling experiences he has had.

Schneider, a German political scientist who studies democracies and regime transition, credited Magyar with turning Orbán's political machine against him, saying nobody has a better idea how to beat such a skilled illiberal populist. But he noted that the skills needed to bring down a non-democratic regime are not the same as those needed to build a democracy, and are sometimes the opposite. Hungary could become the world's first "post-illiberal democracy," he said, a model of restoration as Orbán was a model for populists elsewhere. He also voiced doubts, pointing to the country's very difficult economic situation. The real test, he suggested, comes when Magyar loses support and cracks appear in his movement: whether he can help establish a competitive multiparty system remains to be seen.

We don't want special treatment. We are a great asset, so let's work out something.
— Carsten Q Schneider, CEU interim president and rector
Our hand is reaching out, their hand is reaching out – it is just that they have many things to do.
— Carsten Q Schneider, on contact with Hungary's new government
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