At the crossroads of ancient trade and modern energy dependency, Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz has set in motion a chain of contingencies that exposes how fragile the arteries of global commerce truly are. The Gulf states, forced to reroute their oil through the Red Sea, find themselves trading one chokepoint for another — and the Houthi movement, armed and positioned by Iran across years of patient preparation, now holds a decision that could determine whether the world's oil supply contracts into crisis or stabilizes into an uneasy truce. What began as a geopolitical confrontation h
Oil crisis deepens as Iran targets alternative routes, Houthis hold global markets hostage
The sight of nearby tankers will be sorely tempting.
So Iran closes Hormuz, and the Gulf states just find another way out. Why is that a problem?
Because the alternatives are narrow passages controlled by hostile forces. Yanbu and Fujairah can only handle about a third of what Hormuz used to carry. The rest has nowhere to go.
Wait—are we certain those ports can't expand capacity? The source says Yanbu has never handled five million barrels before, but that's a statement about history, not physics.
Fair point. But even if they could expand, the real threat isn't capacity. It's that the Houthis sit right at the entrance to the Red Sea.
And Iran has armed them?
Yes. Iran has supplied missiles and military advisers for years. The Houthis have already proven they can devastate shipping—they cut Red Sea container traffic by ninety percent between 2022 and 2024.
But have they actually attacked oil tankers specifically, or just container ships?
They've hit oil installations in Yanbu twice, in 2021 and 2022. So yes, they've targeted oil infrastructure.
So the fear is that Iran will ask them to close the Red Sea the way Iran closed Hormuz?
Exactly. If both routes shut down simultaneously, the oil market would face a genuine crisis. Prices could spike dramatically.
But the source also says the Houthis might not do it. They're a different sect from Iran's leadership, and they know retaliation would be severe.
Right. They'd face strikes from the US, Israel, and Saudi Arabia all at once. The question is whether the strategic opportunity outweighs the risk.
So we're waiting to see if a rebel group in Yemen decides to hold the global oil market hostage?
In a sense, yes. And the tankers are already heading toward the Red Sea.
Though it's worth noting—we don't actually know what conversations have happened between Iran and the Houthis. The source infers intent from capability and history, which is reasonable, but it's not confirmed.
Der Puls
- Iran's closure of Hormuz has already removed roughly thirteen million barrels per day from global markets, a shortfall no alternative route can fully replace.
- A drone strike on the UAE's Fujairah export terminal signals that Iran intends to pursue and punish every workaround the Gulf states attempt.
- Dozens of tankers are now converging on the Red Sea, sailing directly toward the Bab el-Mandeb strait where Houthi forces — armed with Iranian missiles — have previously collapsed container traffic by ninety percent.
- The Houthis face a historic but dangerous choice: sealing both Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb would be a strategic masterstroke, but it would invite retaliatory strikes from the US, Israel, and Saudi Arabia at an unprecedented scale.
- Oil markets are holding for now on the partial relief of rerouted exports, but the window for that fragile calm is narrowing with every tanker that enters Houthi range.
At the crossroads of ancient trade and modern energy dependency, Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz has set in motion a chain of contingencies that exposes how fragile the arteries of global commerce truly are. The Gulf states, forced to reroute their oil through the Red Sea, find themselves trading one chokepoint for another — and the Houthi movement, armed and positioned by Iran across years of patient preparation, now holds a decision that could determine whether the world's oil supply contracts into crisis or stabilizes into an uneasy truce. What began as a geopolitical confrontation has become a question about the limits of deterrence, the loyalties of proxy forces, and the price the world pays when geography becomes a weapon.
Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz has sent Gulf oil producers scrambling for alternatives, with Saudi Arabia and the UAE rerouting exports through the Red Sea via the ports of Yanbu and Fujairah. The arithmetic of the crisis, however, is unforgiving: together, these routes can recover only about a third of the twenty million barrels that once flowed daily through Hormuz, leaving a gap of thirteen million barrels with no viable path to market.
The partial solution is already under attack. A drone strike struck Fujairah on Monday, setting a large fire in its oil industries zone — a clear signal that Iran intends to close off the escape routes just as it has closed the primary one. Yanbu, meanwhile, lies within range of the Houthi movement, the Iranian-backed rebel force that controls much of Yemen and the Bab el-Mandeb strait. The Houthis have already shown what they can do: between 2022 and 2024, their attacks reduced Red Sea container traffic by ninety percent, and they have struck Yanbu's oil infrastructure at least twice before.
The question now hanging over global energy markets is whether the Houthis will act. A coordinated closure of both Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb would represent a strategic coup years in the making — Iran has spent considerable effort arming and advising the movement precisely for such a moment. Yet the Houthis are not simple proxies. Their Zaydi Shia identity differs from Iran's, their loyalty to the new supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei is untested, and they know that attacking tanker convoys would draw retaliatory strikes from the United States, Israel, and Saudi Arabia at a scale they have not yet faced.
Abdul Malik al-Houthi now commands a degree of leverage rarely held by any rebel leader. The tankers are already moving toward the Red Sea. His decision — to strike or to hold — may be the variable that determines whether this oil crisis stabilizes into a painful but manageable disruption, or spirals into something the global economy is far less prepared to absorb.
Iran's decision to close the Strait of Hormuz has forced the oil-producing states of the Gulf into a desperate scramble for alternatives. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have begun routing their exports through the Red Sea, a move that seemed, at first, like a workable solution to a catastrophic problem. But the geography that offers escape also presents a new vulnerability—one that Iran appears determined to exploit.
The numbers tell the story of how constrained the options really are. Saudi Arabia can redirect roughly five million barrels per day through Yanbu, its largest Red Sea port, accounting for about two-thirds of its total exports. The UAE can push another 1.5 million barrels daily through Fujairah. Together, these two routes might recover a third of the twenty million barrels that flowed through Hormuz before Iran closed it. That leaves a gap of roughly thirteen million barrels with nowhere to go—a shortfall that no alternative route can fully bridge. For now, the market has accepted this partial solution as better than total collapse. But the relief may be temporary.
On Monday, a drone strike hit Fujairah, igniting what local authorities described as a large fire in the oil industries zone. The attack carried an unmistakable message: Iran is not content to let these workarounds succeed. By targeting the UAE's export terminal, Iran signaled its willingness to choke off the alternatives just as it has choked off the primary route. Yanbu, meanwhile, sits well within range of the missiles possessed by the Houthi movement, the Iranian-backed rebel force that controls large swaths of Yemen, including the capital. Dozens of tankers are already crossing the Indian Ocean toward Yanbu, and they will have to pass through the Bab el-Mandeb strait—the narrow waterway where the Houthis maintain their position.
The Houthis have demonstrated both the capability and the willingness to disrupt maritime traffic. Between 2022 and 2024, their attacks reduced container vessel traffic through the Red Sea by ninety percent. They have struck at oil installations in Yanbu at least twice, in 2021 and 2022. They possess Iranian-supplied missiles and have shown no hesitation in using them. So far, they have remained outside Iran's retaliatory campaign against the Strait of Hormuz closure. But the temptation before them is extraordinary. If the Houthis were to attack the tanker convoys heading for Yanbu and seal off the Bab el-Mandeb, they would simultaneously close both major routes by which oil can leave the Gulf. Iran has spent years arming them and positioning advisers precisely for this contingency. The potential outcome—a double closure of Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb—would be, in strategic terms, a masterstroke, one capable of sending oil prices into a panic spiral.
Yet the Houthis face a calculation more complex than simple alliance with Iran. They share Iran's Shia faith, but they belong to a different sect, Zaydism, and the question of whether they view Mojtaba Khamenei, the new supreme leader, with the same deference they may have shown his predecessor remains uncertain. More pressingly, they know that any attack on tanker convoys would bring immediate retaliation not only from Iran's enemies but from Saudi Arabia as well. The United States and Israel have struck Houthi positions repeatedly. Saudi Arabia has done the same. The Houthis have absorbed these strikes before, but the stakes have never been higher. A decision to close the Red Sea would invite a response of unprecedented severity.
Abdul Malik al-Houthi, the movement's leader, now holds a position of extraordinary power for an Arab rebel commander. His choice will ripple across global markets and affect the price consumers pay at the pump. The tankers are already in motion, heading toward the Red Sea. The window for decision is closing. Whether the Houthis will seize the moment—or whether the fear of retaliation will stay their hand—remains the question that could determine whether the oil crisis deepens into something far worse.
Bemerkenswerte Zitate
Iran has spent years providing the Houthis with missiles and military advisers for exactly this contingency— Telegraph analysis
If the Houthis close the Red Sea entrance, they would immediately suffer retaliation from America, Israel, and Saudi Arabia— Telegraph reporting