In Dubai on a Sunday in May, the fifty-seven nations of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation gathered under the banner of solidarity, only to find that solidarity had quietly dissolved in the years prior. The emergency summit called to address the escalating violence between Israel and Hamas in Gaza became instead a portrait of a fractured bloc — one where recent normalization agreements between Arab states and Israel had drawn new lines of allegiance that no shared faith or shared cause could easily redraw. The meeting revealed what many had long suspected: that the Islamic world's unified
OIC holds emergency summit as Islamic nations split on Israel-Gaza conflict
The Islamic world no longer spoke with one voice on Palestine
So the OIC called this emergency meeting—what was actually supposed to happen there? What were they trying to accomplish?
They were trying to forge a unified response to the fighting. But the problem is that the bloc itself is split. Some members, like Turkey and Iran, wanted to take a hard line against Israel. Others, particularly Bahrain and the UAE, had already normalized relations with Israel and weren't interested in escalating.
Right, but I want to be careful here. The source says government-linked media in those Gulf states weren't covering the violence nonstop. That's not the same as saying those governments didn't care or weren't concerned. It's a media choice, not necessarily a policy position.
That's fair. But the Turkish foreign minister explicitly criticized OIC members for losing their moral compass. He was naming the division directly.
What about the Palestinian Authority? They were at the meeting, right?
Riad Malki was there, and he gave a strong speech about resistance and occupation. But here's the thing—the Palestinian Authority only controls parts of the West Bank. They have no authority over Gaza, where Hamas is in charge.
So Malki was speaking for one Palestinian faction, not all Palestinians. And Hamas itself wasn't at the OIC meeting—Haniyeh was in Qatar giving his own speech to supporters.
So you had Palestinians divided, Arab states divided, and the OIC trying to hold it together?
Exactly. And the scholar Ibish suggested that Gulf leaders might actually be relieved by this situation because it lets them off the hook. They can say they support Palestinian statehood in principle while not having to take action that would anger Israel or their own populations.
But we should note—that's Ibish's interpretation. The source doesn't give us direct quotes from Gulf leaders explaining their own thinking. We're reading between the lines.
What about the people on the ground in those countries? Were they angry?
In Bahrain, civil society groups signed a letter demanding the Israeli ambassador be expelled. In the UAE, Palestinians working there were expressing anger quietly because they were afraid of losing their residency permits. Some Emiratis also expressed concerns.
So there was public pressure, but it was constrained by the political system. The UAE doesn't allow political parties or protests, so dissent had to be quiet.
And this normalization with Israel—when did that happen?
Last year, in the final months of the Trump administration. So it's relatively recent, and it's clearly still a source of tension within the Islamic bloc.
The source calls it a "recognition deal," but I want to be precise—these were formal diplomatic agreements establishing relations. Not just informal contacts.
So the OIC summit—did it produce anything? Any unified statement?
The source doesn't actually tell us what came out of the meeting. It focuses on the divisions and the different positions being staked out, but not on any resolution or joint statement.
That's an important gap. We know the meeting happened and we know people disagreed, but we don't know if they reached any consensus or what the OIC actually decided to do.
Il Polso
- Heavy fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza — including strikes on buildings housing international media — created urgent pressure on Muslim-majority nations to respond with more than words.
- Turkey and Iran took hard public stances, with Ankara accusing Israel of sole responsibility and Tehran's Quds Force commander meeting openly with Hamas leadership in Qatar.
- Bahrain and the UAE, bound by recent normalization deals with Israel, offered restrained official statements while their government-linked media conspicuously muted their coverage of the conflict.
- Palestinians living in the Gulf — unable to protest publicly under local law — expressed their anguish in silence, fearing the loss of residency permits if they spoke too loudly.
- Turkey's foreign minister openly accused normalization partners of losing their moral compass, exposing a rift within the OIC that the summit was supposed to paper over.
- The meeting ended not with a unified front but with a clearer map of division — one that may permanently limit the Islamic bloc's diplomatic leverage in future Israeli-Palestinian confrontations.
In Dubai on a Sunday in May, the fifty-seven nations of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation gathered under the banner of solidarity, only to find that solidarity had quietly dissolved in the years prior. The emergency summit called to address the escalating violence between Israel and Hamas in Gaza became instead a portrait of a fractured bloc — one where recent normalization agreements between Arab states and Israel had drawn new lines of allegiance that no shared faith or shared cause could easily redraw. The meeting revealed what many had long suspected: that the Islamic world's unified voice on Palestine, once a reliable feature of regional diplomacy, had become a memory more than a reality.
When the Organization of Islamic Cooperation convened an emergency session in Dubai in May, the crisis it was meant to address had already exposed a deeper one. The fifty-seven member nations had gathered to respond to escalating violence between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, but the assembly itself became a mirror of a world that no longer agreed on how — or whether — to speak with one voice on Palestine.
For decades, flare-ups in Gaza had produced coordinated condemnation from Arab and Muslim nations. This time, several OIC members had signed normalization agreements with Israel during the final months of the Trump administration, and those deals had drawn fault lines that no emergency summit could erase. Palestinian Foreign Minister Riad Malki opened the meeting with the language of resistance, but he represented an authority with no control over Gaza, where Hamas had governed since 2007. Turkey's foreign minister went further, declaring Israel solely responsible for the escalation. From Qatar, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh addressed hundreds of supporters, flanked symbolically by Kuwaiti, Qatari, and Iranian officials willing to be seen with him.
The Gulf states told a different story. Bahrain and the UAE reiterated support for Palestinian statehood in careful, measured terms, while their government-linked media offered notably restrained coverage. In Bahrain, civil society groups demanded the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador. In the UAE, where public protest is prohibited, Palestinians working in Abu Dhabi and Dubai swallowed their anger quietly, afraid of what speaking out might cost them.
Turkey's foreign minister did not conceal his frustration, accusing normalization partners of losing their moral compass. A Washington-based Gulf scholar offered a cooler explanation: many Gulf leaders viewed Hamas's rocket fire as reckless, which gave them cover to express concern without taking sides in ways that would strain their new relationships with Israel. The OIC had convened to forge unity. What it produced instead was a precise and uncomfortable map of how divided the Islamic world had become — not just over tactics, but over the very meaning of solidarity.
The fifty-seven nations of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation gathered in Dubai on a Sunday in May to confront a crisis that had fractured their ranks before the meeting even began. The emergency session was called to address the escalating violence between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, but the assembly itself became a mirror of a deeper problem: the Islamic world no longer spoke with one voice on Palestine.
For decades, Arab and Muslim nations had responded to Israeli-Palestinian flare-ups with unified condemnation and coordinated pressure. This time was different. Several OIC members had signed recognition agreements with Israel in the final months of the Trump administration, and those diplomatic ties had created a fault line that no emergency summit could simply erase. The result was a gathering where the traditional rhetoric of resistance collided with the quieter calculations of states that had chosen a different path.
Palestinian Foreign Minister Riad Malki opened the meeting with language that belonged to an earlier era. He called Israel's actions cowardly attacks and spoke of resistance continuing until the last day. But Malki represented the Palestinian Authority, which controls only scattered enclaves in the West Bank and has no authority over Gaza, where Hamas seized power in 2007. His words carried moral weight but limited political leverage. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu took a harder line still, declaring Israel solely responsible for the escalation and noting that Turkish warnings issued the previous week had gone unheeded.
But across the Arabian Peninsula and the Persian Gulf, the response was fractured. In Qatar, which hosts both Hamas leadership and the Al-Jazeera network, hundreds gathered late Saturday to hear Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh declare that resistance was the shortest road to Jerusalem and that Palestinians would accept nothing less than a state with Jerusalem as its capital. Kuwait's parliament speaker and Qatar's foreign minister both spoke with Haniyeh. So did General Esmail Ghaani, head of Iran's Quds Forces. The message from these capitals was clear: Hamas had allies, and they were willing to say so publicly.
Then there were Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates, the two Gulf states that had normalized relations with Israel. Both nations reiterated their official support for Palestinian statehood, but their government-linked media outlets were notably restrained in their coverage of the fighting, a stark contrast to the round-the-clock reporting elsewhere in the region. In Bahrain, civil society groups circulated a letter demanding the expulsion of the Israeli ambassador. In the UAE, where political parties and public protests are prohibited by law, Palestinians working in Abu Dhabi and Dubai expressed their anger quietly, fearful of losing their residency permits. Some Emirati citizens also voiced concern, with one prominent writer sardonically referring to Israel as the region's only democracy while criticizing an Israeli strike that destroyed a building housing the offices of the Associated Press and Al-Jazeera.
Cavusoglu, the Turkish foreign minister, did not hide his frustration with the Gulf states. He accused OIC members who had reached deals with Israel of losing their moral compass and warned that half-hearted statements from within the Islamic bloc would undermine its credibility with the outside world. Hussein Ibish, a scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, offered a different reading of the Gulf's muted response. Most Gulf Arab leaders, he argued, viewed Hamas's rocket fire as reckless and dangerous, a calculation that relieved them of the pressure to respond as forcefully as they might to other provocations—such as threats to the Al-Aqsa mosque, Islam's third-holiest site, or Israeli settlers displacing Arab families from their homes. The fighting in Gaza, from this perspective, was a tragedy born of two leaderships over which the Gulf states had neither control nor responsibility. That framing allowed them to express concern without taking sides in a way that would complicate their relationships with Israel or anger their own populations. The OIC emergency summit had convened to forge unity, but it instead exposed the reality that the Islamic world's response to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict had become as divided as the conflict itself.
Citazioni salienti
We need to tell Allah that we will resist to the last day. We are facing a long-term occupation. Crimes are committed against the Palestinians without consequences.— Palestinian Foreign Minister Riad Malki
There are a few who have lost their moral compass and voiced support for Israel. If there are half-hearted statements within our own family, how could we criticize others?— Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu