North Korean troops unlikely to shift Ukraine war's balance, experts say

North Korean missiles have killed civilians, including two adults and three children in a strike near Kryvyi Rih, with ongoing targeting of residential areas.
Instruments of terror designed to spread fear rather than hit targets
How military experts characterize North Korean ballistic missiles being fired at Ukrainian civilian areas.
Mark

Why does it matter whether North Korean troops stay in Kursk versus crossing into Ukraine proper?

Mimi

Because the moment they step onto Ukrainian soil as combatants, they become part of a war of aggression. That's not just military strategy—it's a diplomatic and legal line. Staying in Kursk, they're defending Russian territory. That's a different story internationally.

Mark

So the real value of North Korean troops isn't winning battles, it's freeing up Russian soldiers?

Mimi

Exactly. Russia doesn't seem to be running out of manpower. What North Korea offers is a way to shuffle the deck—let North Koreans hold the line in Kursk, move 15,000 Russian soldiers to the hottest parts of the front. It's efficiency, not desperation.

Mark

Then what's the actual threat here?

Mimi

The missiles. North Korea has sent 148 ballistic missiles since 2025. They're not precise, but they're plentiful and they terrify civilians. Ukraine's air defenses are running dry. If Russia's own missile stocks deplete by winter, North Korea becomes the lifeline keeping the pressure on.

Mark

Is that enough to change the outcome of the war?

Mimi

No expert thinks so. But it might change the outcome of the winter. That's when Ukraine is most vulnerable, and that's when North Korean missiles could matter most.

Mark

What does North Korea get out of this?

Mimi

Combat experience. Real-world data on how their weapons perform. And a deeper relationship with Russia that could reshape the Asia-Pacific region for years to come.

  • North Korea has already sent up to 15,000 troops to Russia's Kursk region and is preparing to dispatch as many as 50,000 more, reshaping the manpower calculus of the war without necessarily tipping its outcome.
  • 148 North Korean ballistic missiles have struck Ukrainian territory since 2025, killing civilians in residential areas — blunt, terror-oriented weapons filling the gap left by Russia's strained missile stockpiles.
  • Analysts warn that the real danger is not a dramatic Russian breakthrough but a sustained winter offensive: freed-up Russian troops, a steady flow of North Korean missiles, and Ukraine's shrinking air-defense reserves converging in the coldest months.
  • Ukraine's ability to intercept these missiles depends heavily on American-made Patriot systems, supplies of which are dwindling — leaving civilian populations increasingly exposed as the partnership between Moscow and Pyongyang deepens.

In the long history of proxy alliances and asymmetric partnerships, North Korea's deepening military commitment to Russia marks a quiet but consequential shift — not a turning point, but a prolongation. Tens of thousands of troops and nearly 150 ballistic missiles have moved from Pyongyang's arsenal into Russia's war machine, not to deliver victory, but to sustain a grinding campaign through winter. The human cost is already visible in the rubble near Kryvyi Rih, where a missile of North Korean origin killed five people, including three children. What is taking shape is less a battlefield alliance than a transaction: Russia buys time, North Korea buys relevance.

By late 2024, North Korea had already placed soldiers on Russian soil. Between 14,000 and 15,000 troops moved into the Kursk region to help defend Russian territory against Ukrainian incursions. Now, intelligence agencies in Kyiv and beyond report that Pyongyang is preparing to send another 30,000 to 50,000. The scale is striking. Whether it will matter is a harder question.

Experts who study the war closely say probably not — at least not in the way dramatic headlines might suggest. Military analyst Oleksandr Kovalenko sees the deployment as a substitution play: North Korean troops hold Russian territory in Kursk and Voronezh, freeing roughly 15,000 Russian soldiers to redeploy to the grinding front lines near Kharkiv, Sumy, and Chernihiv. Russian analyst Ruslan Leviev adds a diplomatic dimension — defending Russian soil carries far less international weight than fighting on Ukrainian land, a distinction Moscow appears to be managing carefully. Meanwhile, Russia continues recruiting around 1,000 contract soldiers per day, suggesting it wants North Korean reinforcements but does not yet need them to keep fighting.

Where the partnership becomes genuinely significant is in missiles. North Korea has delivered 148 KN-23 and KN-24 ballistic missiles since 2025. They are less precise than Russia's Iskanders but carry larger payloads and fly farther. In July, one struck a home near Kryvyi Rih, killing two adults and three children. Military expert Yuri Fyodorov describes them as instruments of terror — designed to spread fear rather than strike specific targets. Ukraine can reliably intercept them only with American-made Patriot systems, of which it has a dwindling supply.

None of the analysts interviewed believe this constitutes a turning point. Jenny Town of the Foreign Policy Research Institute says that moment has passed. What is crystallizing instead is a mutually beneficial transaction: Russia gains manpower and missiles, North Korea gains combat experience and a form of international standing. The concern is not a sudden Russian breakthrough but a sustained winter campaign — one in which freed-up Russian troops, a steady stream of North Korean missiles, and Ukraine's depleted air defenses converge during the months when Ukraine is most vulnerable. The North Korean involvement will not win the war for Russia. But it may be enough to keep the war alive through the season.

By late 2024, North Korea had already committed boots to Russia's war. Between 14,000 and 15,000 North Korean troops moved into the Kursk region, tasked with defending Russian territory against Ukrainian incursions. Now, according to Ukrainian and international intelligence agencies, Pyongyang is preparing to send another 30,000 to 50,000 soldiers across the border. The scale is striking. The strategic question is simpler: will it matter?

Experts who study this war closely say probably not. The arrival of North Korean forces will not tip the balance in Russia's favor, they argue, though it will certainly change the texture of the conflict. Oleksandr Kovalenko, a military analyst at the Ukrainian Center for Security Studies, sees the deployment as a way for Russia to shuffle its existing manpower. North Korean troops, he told Deutsche Welle, would likely stay in Kursk and southwestern Voronezh—holding Russian territory rather than invading Ukrainian soil. That frees up Russian soldiers, perhaps 15,000 of them, to redeploy to the grinding front lines around Vovchansk, Kharkiv, Sumy, and Chernihiv. It's a substitution play, not a reinforcement.

Ruslan Leviev, a Russian military analyst, agrees on the diplomatic calculus: there is a world of difference between defending Russian territory and fighting on internationally recognized Ukrainian land. The latter carries weight in the court of global opinion. The former, less so. Leviev also notes that Russia has not demonstrated a critical shortage of troops. Since mid-July, Russian forces have maintained steady offensive pressure along the front. Janis Kluge, an economist at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, estimates that Russia is still recruiting roughly 1,000 contract soldiers per day, despite visible strain in its recruitment machinery. Moscow may want North Korean reinforcements, but it does not appear to need them to keep fighting.

What Russia does need, increasingly, is missiles. Ukraine's Main Directorate of Intelligence reports that North Korea has delivered 148 ballistic missiles—the KN-23 and KN-24 models—since 2025. These weapons are crude compared to precision-guided systems, but they are plentiful and they are terrifying. A North Korean missile struck a home near Kryvyi Rih in July, killing two adults and three children. The weapons are less accurate than Russia's Iskander missiles but carry larger payloads and fly farther. They are, as military expert Yuri Fyodorov put it, instruments of terror—designed to spread fear rather than hit specific targets. Ukrainian sources say the missiles can only be reliably intercepted by American-made Patriot air-defense systems, of which Ukraine has a dwindling supply.

This is where the partnership between Moscow and Pyongyang becomes strategically significant. Russia has been firing ballistic missiles at a higher rate than in previous years. As winter approaches and Ukraine's air-defense stockpiles shrink, Russia will need a steady stream of replacements. North Korea is offering exactly that. Leviev expects that if Russia's own missile reserves run low by winter, North Korean supplies will keep the pressure on Ukraine, preventing it from catching its breath during the coldest months.

Yet none of the experts interviewed by Deutsche Welle believe the North Korean deployment will be a turning point in the war. Jenny Town of the Foreign Policy Research Institute says the moment for such a shift has passed. What is happening instead is the crystallization of a mutually beneficial partnership—Russia gains manpower and missiles, North Korea gains combat experience and international standing. Kovalenko does not expect Russia to make substantial territorial gains, but he is worried about the winter ahead. October, November, and December could be grueling for Ukraine. Russia might launch a new military call-up, redeploy freed-up fighters, and maintain a steady barrage of North Korean missiles. That combination, Fyodorov said, would not be good for Ukraine's war interests. The North Korean involvement will not win the war for Russia. But it may sustain the war through the season when Ukraine is most vulnerable.

These forces could free up Russian occupational forces. Russia would then be able to deploy around 15,000 troops to battles along front lines in Vovchansk, Kharkiv, Sumy or even Chernihiv.
— Oleksandr Kovalenko, Ukrainian Center for Security Studies
It's one thing to recapture Russian territory and an entirely different thing to be present on internationally recognized Ukrainian territory, taking part in a war of aggression.
— Ruslan Leviev, Russian military analyst
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