Nearly a year after a ceasefire was meant to close one of the most devastating chapters in Gaza's recent history, 1.8 million Palestinians remain confined to displacement camps — not as a temporary condition, but as what the Danish Refugee Council now characterizes as deliberate policy. A shifting military boundary called the Yellow Line continues to press westward, compressing an entire population into a fraction of their own land while aid organizations struggle to reach those most in need. The ceasefire, it seems, ended the war in name while allowing its consequences to quietly endure.
NGO: Israel expanding 'Yellow Line' in Gaza, confining 1.8M to dire camps
Approximately 1.8 million Palestinians (86% of Gaza's population) are living in displacement camps with inhumane conditions including disease outbreaks, food scarcity, lack of medical care, and security threats from ongoing military operations.
Displacement has not ended; it has changed shape.
Mark
So the ceasefire happened a year ago. What changed on the ground?
Mimi
The fighting stopped, but the displacement didn't. Instead of people being able to go home, they're still stuck in camps—now 1.8 million of them. The difference is the camps have become more permanent, more confined.
Luke
When you say "the ceasefire happened," we should be clear: it was supposed to usher in the war's end. The DRC is saying it exists largely in name only. That's a strong claim. What's the evidence?
Mimi
The Yellow Line. It's a military boundary that's supposed to stay fixed, but the DRC says it's moving westward, squeezing people into less and less space. And aid organizations can't get close to it, so camps near the line get cut off from supplies.
Mark
How much space are we talking about?
Mimi
The DRC says families are now confined to about 30 percent of Gaza's territory. Netanyahu says it's 60 percent, but he also said they plan to expand it.
Luke
So there's a factual disagreement about the current size of the zone. But both sides agree it's expanding, or at least that expansion is planned. That's the common ground.
Mark
And the camps themselves—what are conditions actually like?
Mimi
Eighty percent of people lack adequate water. Multiple families share single latrines. There are rat infestations. In July, Khan Younis camps had over 4,000 chickenpox cases. Half the hospitals aren't operational.
Mark
That sounds like a public health catastrophe waiting to happen.
Mimi
It's already happening. And only 36 percent of camps have a site manager to coordinate services and fix problems. The rest have no one responsible for anything.
Luke
The DRC based this on conversations with 195 people across five governorates. That's a real sample, but it's not comprehensive. We should know that when we read the numbers.
Mark
What does the DRC want to happen?
Mimi
They want Israel to stop expanding the Yellow Line, to disclose where it's going, to stop building permanent military infrastructure there. They want fewer restrictions on aid. They want a UN mechanism to monitor ceasefire violations.
Luke
And Israel's response?
Mimi
They haven't commented yet.
Mark
What worries you most about this?
Mimi
That donor interest is dropping even as conditions stay terrible. If the world stops paying attention, these camps could stay like this indefinitely.
O Pulso
- A military boundary known as the Yellow Line is actively expanding westward, confining 1.8 million Palestinians to roughly 30% of Gaza's territory nearly a year after a ceasefire was supposed to restore freedom of movement.
- Conditions inside displacement camps have cascaded into crisis: 80% of residents lack adequate water, families share single latrines, disease outbreaks recorded thousands of chickenpox cases in a single month, and unexploded ordnance threatens anyone attempting to return home.
- Aid organizations cannot operate within kilometers of the Yellow Line, meaning the camps closest to the boundary — and most exposed to military activity — receive the least humanitarian support.
- Only a third of displacement sites have a designated manager capable of coordinating services, leaving the majority of camps with no systematic way to identify or respond to deteriorating conditions.
- The Danish Refugee Council has issued urgent recommendations — halt the Yellow Line's expansion, ease access restrictions, establish ceasefire monitoring — but political and donor attention to Gaza has sharply declined even as conditions worsen.
- Israel has not responded to the report's central allegation: that prolonged displacement is not an unfortunate byproduct of conflict, but a policy choice being actively maintained.
Nearly a year after a ceasefire was meant to close one of the most devastating chapters in Gaza's recent history, 1.8 million Palestinians remain confined to displacement camps — not as a temporary condition, but as what the Danish Refugee Council now characterizes as deliberate policy. A shifting military boundary called the Yellow Line continues to press westward, compressing an entire population into a fraction of their own land while aid organizations struggle to reach those most in need. The ceasefire, it seems, ended the war in name while allowing its consequences to quietly endure.
Nearly a year after a ceasefire was supposed to end the war in Gaza, the Danish Refugee Council has released a report describing what it calls deliberate, protracted displacement — not temporary hardship, but systematic confinement. Based on conversations with 195 displaced Palestinians across five governorates, the report, titled "Confined by Design," documents conditions the organization characterizes as inhumane.
At the center of the crisis is the Yellow Line, a military demarcation along Gaza's eastern border that the DRC says is steadily moving westward toward the coast. The organization's country director states that the line now restricts Palestinians to roughly 30% of Gaza's land area. Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu has cited a different figure but has acknowledged plans for further expansion. The practical effect is severe: aid organizations cannot safely operate within several kilometers of the boundary, leaving camps near the line with fewer supplies and less support.
Inside the camps, conditions have deteriorated across every basic measure. Eight in ten displaced people report water shortages for drinking and washing. Families share latrines, raising risks of disease and gender-based violence. Rat infestations are widespread. In July alone, Khan Younis camps recorded over 4,000 chickenpox cases. Only half of Gaza's hospitals remain operational, and some young people have gone without formal education for nearly three years. Men describe constant threats from artillery, drones, and unexploded ordnance.
Coordination failures deepen the suffering. Only 36% of displacement sites have a designated manager capable of systematically identifying and addressing problems. Sites without this structure have no reliable channel through which residents can report a collapsing cesspit or a missing water delivery.
The DRC and its partner organization issued recommendations calling on all parties to honor ceasefire commitments, urging Israel to halt the Yellow Line's expansion and disclose its route, and appealing for fewer restrictions on aid — including medical supplies, sanitation materials, and rubble-clearing equipment. They also called for a UN mechanism to monitor ceasefire violations.
The report carries an implicit warning, however: political and donor interest in Gaza has declined markedly since the ceasefire, even as conditions have not improved. Israel has not responded to the findings. The ceasefire that was meant to end civilian suffering now exists, in the DRC's assessment, largely in name only.
Nearly a year after a ceasefire was supposed to end the war in Gaza, roughly 1.8 million Palestinians—86 percent of the territory's population—remain confined to displacement camps in conditions the Danish Refugee Council describes as inhumane. The ceasefire, reached in October 2025, has not delivered the relief it promised. Instead, according to the DRC's report released Thursday, displacement has simply taken a new form, one the organization characterizes as deliberate policy rather than temporary necessity.
The report, titled "Confined by Design: The Human Cost of Protracted Displacement in Gaza," is based on conversations with 195 people living in internal displacement camps across five governorates. What emerges from those conversations is a portrait of systematic confinement. The centerpiece of this confinement is the so-called Yellow Line—a demarcation of territory controlled by the Israeli military that runs along Gaza's eastern border. According to the DRC, this line is moving westward, toward the coast, steadily shrinking the territory available to Palestinians. The organization's country director, Alan Moseley, stated that the Yellow Line now confines families to roughly 30 percent of Gaza's total land area, with the line continuing to expand. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has put the figure differently, saying 60 percent of Gaza lies within the Yellow Line, but he has also acknowledged plans to expand it further.
The physical boundary has immediate humanitarian consequences. Aid organizations report they cannot operate within several kilometers of the line due to access restrictions and security concerns. This means displacement camps closer to the boundary receive fewer supplies and less assistance. The result is visible in the camps themselves, where conditions have deteriorated into what the DRC and the Agricultural Development Association describe as a cascade of failures. Eighty percent of respondents reported shortages of water for both drinking and washing. Displaced households rely on outdoor cesspits. Multiple families share single latrines, a situation that increases the risk of gender-based violence and abuse. Rat and rodent infestations have spread through the unsanitary conditions. Food is scarce, and the lack of cooking infrastructure means families face burns and injuries while preparing meals.
Disease spreads rapidly in these camps. In July alone, Khan Younis displacement camps recorded more than 4,000 chickenpox cases. Medical facilities are overwhelmed and understaffed—only half of Gaza's hospitals and just over a third of primary healthcare centers remain operational. Young people have gone without formal education for nearly three years in some cases. Men report ongoing security concerns from artillery strikes, drones, and stray gunfire. Unexploded ordnance poses constant danger, particularly when families attempt to clear rubble or return to their original homes.
A critical gap in camp management compounds these problems. Only 36 percent of displacement sites have a designated site manager—typically a national NGO—responsible for coordinating services and addressing problems. Sites with such management have structured channels through which residents can report and resolve issues: a collapsing cesspit, a missing water delivery, an unsafe walkway. Sites without this coordination lack any systematic way to identify or address deteriorating conditions.
The DRC and PARC issued a series of recommendations directed at multiple parties. They called on all parties to uphold ceasefire pledges and cease attacks on civilians, humanitarian workers, and medical personnel. They urged Israel specifically to halt further expansion of the Yellow Line and to disclose its current and future route transparently. They asked Israel to cease construction of permanent military infrastructure in the area and to provide assurance that current troop positions are not intended to be permanent. They appealed for fewer restrictions on aid access, particularly on so-called dual-use items—medical supplies, water, sanitation materials, pest control, rubble removal equipment, and fuel. They called for the establishment of a UN mechanism to monitor ceasefire violations.
Yet the report carries an implicit warning about the likelihood of these recommendations being implemented. Political and donor interest in Gaza has declined markedly in the year since the ceasefire, even as conditions have not improved proportionately. Israel has not yet commented on the DRC's findings or its allegations of a policy of protracted displacement. The ceasefire that was meant to end civilian suffering now exists, in the DRC's assessment, largely in name only.
Citações Notáveis
The October 2025 ceasefire in Gaza was supposed to end civilians' suffering. Nearly a year on, it exists largely in name only.— Danish Refugee Council report
The Yellow Line continues expanding westward and swallowing up more land, effectively squeezing families into 30% of Gaza's territory.— Alan Moseley, DRC country director for the occupied Palestinian territories
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Leia o original em Deutsche Welle ↗